youth and capability development - ACRC https://www.african-cities.org African Cities Research Consortium Wed, 04 Mar 2026 16:15:06 +0000 en-GB hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.9.4 https://www.african-cities.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/cropped-Screenshot-2021-03-09-at-15.39.22-32x32.png youth and capability development - ACRC https://www.african-cities.org 32 32 Empowering Mogadishu’s young people in civic activism and urban citizenship https://www.african-cities.org/empowering-mogadishus-young-people-in-civic-activism-and-urban-citizenship/ Wed, 04 Mar 2026 07:00:00 +0000 https://www.african-cities.org/?p=9041 Building on ACRC’s research in Mogadishu, the Heritage Institute for Policy Studies organised a three-day workshop on “Empowering youth for civic activism and urban citizenship”, in collaboration with ACRC and the Somali Gender and Equity Movement (SGEM).

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By the Heritage Institute for Policy Studies, as part of the ACRC Mogadishu transition project

An estimated 70% of Somalia’s population is under the age of 30. Young people living in the country’s capital city, Mogadishu, face a multitude of challenges – as explored in recent ACRC research.

Building on ACRC’s research in the city, the Heritage Institute for Policy Studies organised a three-day workshop on “Empowering youth for civic activism and urban citizenship”, in collaboration with ACRC and the Somali Gender and Equity Movement (SGEM). It aimed to equip young civic activists with the skills and knowledge to become influential leaders and advocates for positive change in their communities.

Unpacking the challenges facing young people in Mogadishu

There are a number of systemic, structural and cultural drivers behind the challenges facing young people in Somalia’s capital. Generations have endured chronic violence and limited access to justice, with this prolonged exposure to violence having lasting impacts on young people. Conflict between the Somali state and al-Shabaab since 2006 has left young people frustrated that while the involvement of youth in violence is often highlighted, their potential as agents of peace is rarely spotlighted yet equally significant.

According to a survey conducted by the Heritage Institute for Policy Studies (HIPS), over 70% of respondents believed that unemployed youth are highly vulnerable to recruitment by violent groups. Notably, nearly 70% of survey respondents were themselves unemployed, citing the lack of job opportunities and inadequate skills as the primary reasons.

The HIPS report also found that unemployment rates are disproportionately higher among young women and girls, driven by a range of factors, including persistent socio-cultural norms that confine women primarily to domestic roles.

ACRC’s youth and capability development domain research in Mogadishu found there to be very limited political participation and empowerment of young people in the city, with a lack of frameworks, laws or designated seats to guarantee involvement or representation at any level of government – federal, regional or local. A scarcity of national youth organisations, advocacy groups or coordinated movements was also highlighted.

Young people – especially women – are often sidelined during crucial political discussions and decision-making processes, while traditional governance models – dominated by clan elders – also tend to exclude youth and women from participating.

Empowering young leaders in the city

The “Empowering youth for civic activism and urban citizenship” workshop brought together more than 50 youth leaders, civic activists and volunteers, with a focus on leadership, advocacy, urban governance and digital activism. The organisers prioritised interactivity and inclusivity, with panel discussions, open Q&As, breakout sessions, group work and role-play exercises fostering opportunities for the youth participants to share knowledge and experiences. Expert speakers from institutions and organisations including HIPS, the Somali Public Agenda and SGEM led the sessions.

Each day of the workshop centred on a core theme: foundations of urban citizenship and governance; developing civic activism skills; and advocacy, lobbying and durable solutions.

Day 1: Foundations of urban citizenship and governance

The workshop opened with remarks from Deka Abdullahi, deputy director of management and operations at HIPS. She outlined the key objectives of the workshop and highlighted the importance of equipping young people with valuable skills, knowledge and insights to contribute to their personal and professional development.

The first two sessions of the workshop were then delivered by Professor Afyare Elmi, former executive director of HIPS, who led ACRC’s research in Mogadishu. Beginning with a focus on the city’s history and governance, he shared insights into Mogadishu’s historical and political significance with the participants, instilling a sense of pride in the city’s rich heritage.

Afyare highlighted Mogadishu’s significant democratic shifts, along with some of the major challenges facing the city today – including corruption. He emphasised the need for reform and transparent systems to address issues with stalled developmental progress, governance, inefficiencies and a lack of trust in leadership.

During the session’s interactive components, the youth participants shared concerns around their lack of representation under the 4.5 clan power-sharing model, as well as their perspectives on the role of young people in upcoming elections. Along with expressing a strong sense of responsibility and excitement about the potential of proposed election reforms, they discussed how youth can contribute to ensuring transparency, accountability and fair representation during the electoral process.

The final session of the first day was delivered by Mohamed Hajir, political pillar coordinator at the Ministry of Interior, Federal Affairs and Reconciliation, who emphasised the importance of equipping youth leaders to contribute meaningfully to the city’s governance. He explained the different city systems, such as water, electricity, housing and education. He highlighted that by equipping young people with knowledge and skills, and enabling them to understand and actively engage with social systems, they could play a more meaningful role in shaping Mogadishu’s future.

Day 2: Developing civic activism skills

After an introductory exercise that encouraged participants to consider what type of leader they are, Zainab Hassan, founder and executive director of SGEM, and Afyare Elmi led the group in exploring key aspects of leadership. Highlighting the significance of self-reflection, integrity and responsibility, they shared insights and real-life examples with participants about the skills and mindset needed to become future changemakers.

“Before this, I didn’t think about what kind of leader I am. When I see my personality result, I understand more how I can help my community. Maybe I don’t talk too much, but I listen, and that entails leadership.”

– Female participant

Social media specialist Ali Nur Salad then led a session on leveraging media for digital activism. Sharing his personal experience of being arrested for using social media to challenge government narratives and influence policymaking, he talked about how digital activism can amplify voices, raise awareness and influence sociopolitical outcomes. An interactive discussion then covered a range of practical strategies – such as crafting compelling messages and building online coalitions to engage with diverse audiences. Participants also presented their own ideas on how to use platforms like TikTok to share the perspectives of underrepresented communities.

The day closed with a presentation from Mahad Wasuge, director of the Somali Public Agenda, who provided a detailed analysis of the security situation in Mogadishu and specifically youth gangs, followed by a summary of the key takeaways from Zainab Hassan.

Day 3: Advocacy, lobbying and durable solutions

The final sessions were designed to help the youth participants develop their knowledge and practical skills in civic engagement, advocacy campaigns and durable solutions for internally displaced people (IDPs). After a review of the discussions so far by Afyare Elmi, Zainab Hassan presented on civic rights and responsibilities – emphasising the role of young people in advocating for change, the importance of civic duty, and how effective leadership can drive social transformation.

Zainab Hassan and Shabaz Abdulqadir, a planning and development specialist, then led a session on advocacy and lobbying, examining core principles and practical strategies, and highlighting the importance of well-structured campaigns in influencing policy decisions. Building on the strategic framework provided by the facilitators, the youth participants then applied these strategies in their own group exercises, crafting policy proposals and practicing persuasive communication techniques.

“Shabaz’s session made me realise I can be a role model in my neighbourhood by educating others about their rights.”

– Female university student

Abdi Ismail Samatar, a Somali scholar and current senator in Somalia’s Upper House, also delivered a lecture on the role of youth in state-building and the critical contributions young people can make in a volatile region.

Mohamed Hajir led the final session of the workshop, looking at the challenges faced by people living in informal settlements and IDP camps in Mogadishu. Four young researchers who have conducted research among the city’s IDP communities also shared their insights and reflections.

The workshop ended with closing remarks from Abdirashid Ismail, deputy director of research, development and innovation at HIPS, who emphasised the crucial role that urban citizenship and civic activism play in shaping Mogadishu’s future. He also highlighted how the skills developed during the workshop would help empower the young leaders to take on active roles in their communities.

Beyond the workshop

All in all, the workshop provided an effective platform to increase civic awareness and provide a stronger sense of responsibility among the youth participants – particularly regarding their rights and roles as young, urban citizens. They were not only supported in developing advocacy, leadership and digital activism skills, but also in fostering stronger networks among other young people, youth organisations and community stakeholders – laying the groundwork for ongoing collaboration.

Beyond the workshop, the organisers identified a need to create ongoing engagement platforms where young people in Mogadishu can build their skills and knowledge – such as online forums or mentorship programmes. In addition, strengthening partnerships with local authorities could help to ensure that youth initiatives align with broader governance reforms and have a lasting impact on the community.

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Photo credits: Zakariya Abdulkadir

Note: This article presents the views of the authors featured and does not necessarily represent the views of the African Cities Research Consortium as a whole.

The African Cities blog is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), which means you are welcome to repost this content as long as you provide full credit and a link to this original post.

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]]> Awareness of youth programmes in Uganda is high – so why is participation so low? https://www.african-cities.org/awareness-of-youth-programmes-in-uganda-is-high-so-why-is-participation-so-low/ Thu, 29 Jan 2026 07:00:00 +0000 https://www.african-cities.org/?p=8980 Across Uganda, awareness of government youth programmes is impressively high, but youth participation remains stubbornly low. Our recent study sought to understand why knowing about these programmes does not necessarily translate into active participation.

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By Ahimbisibwe Paul and Elisha Seddugge, researchers in ACRC Kampala’s urban youth action research project

Across Uganda, awareness of government youth programmes – such as the Parish Development Model (PDM), Emyooga and various livelihood initiatives – is impressively high. Yet youth participation remains stubbornly low.

These programmes are primarily aimed at improving young people’s skills, as well as increasing access to economic and development opportunities. Our recent study sought to understand why knowing about these programmes does not necessarily translate into active participation.

The information gap: Awareness without access

Our study findings show that the flow of information about youth development programmes is multi-layered and often indirect. Instead of reaching young people directly, information travels through multiple intermediaries – including local leaders, community agents, peers and social networks. While this structure helps to ensure cultural and community legitimacy, it also slows down the flow of accurate and timely information.

We identified two main information pathways: vertical (top-down) and horizontal (peer-to-peer). For a clear understanding of the gap, the layers can be categorised within these two pathways, as presented in the figure below.

Hierarchical information flow pathways on development programmes among youth

The vertical (top-down) pathway

Information usually starts with programme implementers – government agencies, such as the Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA) and the PDM Secretariat, and non-governmental actors like Uganda Youth Development Link (UYDEL), Tiko and religious institutions. These institutions rely heavily on local community leaders – local council youth group leaders, religious and cultural heads – to relay messages to their communities.

This approach leverages trust. Local people tend to believe their community leaders more than outsiders, as one female programme implementer explained:

“When we have outreaches, we reach out to the local and youth leaders first. They understand their people, and when they speak, the youth listen. Otherwise, if they don’t know you, they think you’re a mufere (conman).”

Community members echoed similar sentiments during focus group discussions:

“We normally get this information through our chairman or church leaders – they always tell the truth.” (Female, Katwe)

“Our youth councillor told us about the skilling programme. He came door to door looking for girls interested in tailoring, bakery and hairdressing.” (Female, Kisenyi)

While this process builds legitimacy, it also limits reach and speed. Information is often shared using megaphones, community radios or word of mouth, which are effective but time-bound and localised. By the time information reaches many young people, deadlines have often passed or details have become diluted.

As one focus group respondent put it:

“There is a lady who moves with a megaphone passing information. Whenever she does, we know it’s true – but it happens rarely.” (Female, Katwe)

The horizontal (peer-to-peer) pathway

The peer-to-peer or horizontal information flow occurs when young people share opportunities among friends, neighbours or group members. This method is fast, informal and widely trusted – especially when it happens via WhatsApp groups, phone calls and everyday interactions.

“It’s my friend who told me about the programme. We look out for each other.” (Male, Ggaba)

This pathway is powerful for spreading awareness, but less reliable for detail. Information is often incomplete, outdated or distorted by the time it circulates widely. As a result, young people may know that a programme exists, but lack the “how, when and where” needed to participate effectively.

Why awareness does not equal participation

The study concludes that the bureaucratic, multi-layered communication chain is the biggest barrier. By the time information trickles down from implementers to the grassroots, it is often late, diluted or missing key details. Youth at the “bottom” of the chain end up hearing about opportunities that have already passed.

Furthermore, structural barriers – such as political patronage, corruption, illiteracy and digital exclusion – limit equal access to credible information. The reliance on intermediaries makes it easy for gatekeeping and misinformation to thrive.

The way forward: A centralised and inclusive information platform

Both vertical and horizontal pathways are important, but they should be complemented by a centralised, transparent information platform – such as a digital or community-based ‘youth opportunities portal’. Such a platform would enable all young people, regardless of background, to directly access up-to-date information on available programmes, eligibility criteria and deadlines.

A centralised system could also minimise political interference, ensure inclusivity and build trust between implementers and young people. Only then can high awareness translate into meaningful participation – and Uganda’s youth realise their full potential as agents of sustainable development.

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Header photo credit: Zach Wear / Unsplash. Young people playing basketball in Uganda.

Note: This article presents the views of the authors featured and does not necessarily represent the views of the African Cities Research Consortium as a whole.

The African Cities blog is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), which means you are welcome to repost this content as long as you provide full credit and a link to this original post.

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]]> Improving access to information and development opportunities for young people in Kampala https://www.african-cities.org/improving-access-to-information-and-development-opportunities-for-young-people-in-kampala/ Mon, 01 Sep 2025 07:00:00 +0000 https://www.african-cities.org/?p=8187 Although precise data on the number of youth living in the capital city Kampala’s informal settlements is lacking, voting patterns indicate a high concentration of young people who have consistently influenced electoral outcomes in the city. Beyond politics, Kampala’s youth also play a central role in Uganda’s economic development as key consumers and contributors to the informal and formal sectors.

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By Nansozi K Muwanga, action research project lead

Uganda is one of the youngest countries in the world, with over 70% of its population under the age of 30. In the lead-up to the 2021 elections, it was estimated that two-thirds of registered voters were below 30, highlighting the growing political significance of youth.

Although precise data on the number of youth living in the capital city Kampala’s informal settlements is lacking, voting patterns indicate a high concentration of young people who have consistently influenced electoral outcomes in the city. Beyond politics, Kampala’s youth also play a central role in Uganda’s economic development as key consumers and contributors to the informal and formal sectors.

Tapping young people’s potential

Recognising their political and economic potential, a wide range of actors – including government agencies, civil society organisations (CSOs), NGOs, UN bodies and political parties – are investing in youth development programmes in Kampala.

However, findings from our recent ACRC study suggest that this interest is often opportunistic. The young people interviewed were of the view that political parties, for example, tend to engage youth most actively during election periods, seeking their votes. Outside these windows, government-led youth programmes are often perceived as poorly designed and developed without meaningful input, especially from young people living in informal settlements.

The research reveals a general dissatisfaction among youth regarding existing government programmes, largely due to limited access to reliable information, which hinders their ability to meaningfully participate. Many remain unaware of available opportunities and services.

Various actors have introduced initiatives to support young people, such as cash transfer programmes, skills training centres, policy forums, community outreach efforts and research initiatives. However, the Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA) describes these interventions as “tremendous but uncoordinated and undocumented”. This fragmentation undermines impact and limits knowledge sharing.

Identifying shortfalls in existing youth programmes

In an effort to address these challenges, KCCA conducted a Training Needs Assessment and Gap Analysis in 2022, leading to the development of a Harmonised Training Manual on Mindset Change for Youth Socio-Economic Transformation in Kampala. The report identified key barriers to youth empowerment, including a persistent sense of exclusion and a lack of awareness about available programmes. It also noted that many implementing agencies fail to share lessons learned or coordinate effectively, resulting in duplicated efforts and missed opportunities for collaboration.

Our own focus group discussions and interviews confirmed that some officials and local leaders often blame the ineffectiveness of youth programmes on the so-called “mindset” of the youth, rather than addressing structural or design flaws within the programmes themselves. This reflects a broader disconnect between policy makers and the lived realities of young people, particularly those in underserved communities.

Although numerous youth-focused programmes in Kampala have strong potential, their impact is limited by a siloed and fragmented approach among key stakeholders. This raises several critical questions:

1. How can we build elite commitment to support a unified strategy for youth development, bringing together governmental and non-governmental actors in a meaningful reform coalition?

2. How can young people in informal settlements be effectively mobilised and engaged to shape and benefit from existing programmes?

3. What can be done to strengthen KCCA’s capacity to coordinate, document and disseminate youth development initiatives more effectively?

Building an inclusive approach to supporting young people in Kampala

We’re initiating a new action research project designed to explore these questions and to identify more cohesive, collaborative and impactful approaches to youth development in Kampala. 

Our first step will be to examine how youth currently access information about programmes and services intended for them, and how key actors gather and respond to youth feedback. We will also investigate the extent of inter-agency coordination in programme delivery, especially among organisations offering skills training and empowerment initiatives.

The diagnostic scoping phase of this project is being led by the Uganda Youth Development Link (UYDEL). UYDEL will analyse:

> How information about youth initiatives is disseminated;

> The mechanisms available for youth to provide feedback;

> Whether this feedback is acted upon; and

> How different agencies coordinate (or fail to coordinate) their efforts.

In the longer term, this project will explore the potential for mobilising elite commitment – both governmental and non-governmental – to establish a reform coalition dedicated to youth development. This coalition would work to harmonise existing efforts, reduce duplication and ensure that young people, particularly those in informal settlements, are better informed, more engaged and adequately served by both state and non-state actors.

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Photo credits: Juan Alberto Casado / iStock. Young people at a festival in Kampala.

Note: This article presents the views of the authors featured and does not necessarily represent the views of the African Cities Research Consortium as a whole.

The African Cities blog is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), which means you are welcome to repost this content as long as you provide full credit and a link to this original post.

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]]> New research: Advancing urban reform opportunities in Addis Ababa https://www.african-cities.org/new-research-advancing-urban-reform-opportunities-in-addis-ababa/ Tue, 26 Aug 2025 07:00:00 +0000 https://www.african-cities.org/?p=8145 A new ACRC report, led by Tegegne Gebre-Egziabher, uncovers the interplay of politics, systems and urban development in the fast-growing capital city, shining a light on the challenges facing residents and potential pathways forward.

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Home to a population of more than 4 million, Addis Ababa is expanding at a rate of 3.8% per year. A new ACRC report, led by Tegegne Gebre-Egziabher, uncovers the interplay of politics, systems and urban development in the fast-growing capital city, shining a light on the challenges facing residents and potential pathways forward.

Bringing together analysis from research reports on political settlements and city systems, along with studies on the domains of housing, structural transformation and youth and capability development, this report presents an overview of Addis Ababa’s complex and contested urban development landscape. It highlights pertinent development challenges facing the city – particularly its low-income communities – and presents potential interventions to address them.

Political settlement

As the seat of the Ethiopian national government, Addis Ababa is the country’s political, economic and industrial centre, and also houses the headquarters of the African Union and the UN Economic Commission for Africa. The national-level political settlement has a significant influence over how the city is run, with the Prosperity Party (PP) in particular influencing major decisions and development projects.

As the capital of both the federal state and the Oromia region, Addis is also highly contested. Being surrounded by the Oromia regional state, the city’s geographic expansion also creates tensions between different state authorities.

Fragmented city systems

In terms of regulatory institutions, services, actors and ownership regimes, Addis Ababa’s city systems are fragmented and lack integration. Formal and informal systems tend to operate separately, but there are inevitable linkages between them.

Services provided often remain unaffordable for low-income residents, or do not reach the areas where these communities live. The exclusion of informal settlements in particular exacerbates health, education and income inequalities in the city.

Prevalent informality and inequality

Across the domains studied, informality and inequality were found to be prevalent. In the face of high demands, there is a huge backlog in the provision of housing. This forces many low-income households to acquire land and property informally, usually in the city’s peripheries – leading to tenure insecurity and poor living conditions, and heightening socioeconomic inequality.

Informal housing construction in these areas is usually undertaken in an incremental manner due to limited construction finance and an absence of basic infrastructure, including roads and utility lines for water and electricity.

In the youth and capability development domain, different narratives were found to influence government policy attitudes towards young people. Comprising around 31% of Addis Ababa’s population, young people are a vital social group in shaping ruling elites’ socioeconomic and political decisions. As such, they are also targeted by political elites to secure votes through the provision of rents.

Youth unemployment is a key issue in the city, with an estimated 30% of young people aged between 15-29 out of work. Meanwhile, working conditions for those who are employed in industrial parks tend to be shaped by the interests of global capital, while the informal labour market, in which many young people seek a living, is characterised by a lack of policy coherence and consistency.

Where structural transformation is concerned, most micro and small enterprises in Addis Ababa are not experiencing dynamic growth, while middle and large enterprises show mixed patterns of growth. Formal governance of structural transformation tends to be dominated by federal government institutions, while informal governance is largely influenced by the interaction of the political settlement with business interests.

While a lack of enterprise growth is a key challenge in terms of job creation in the city, business closure is also a significant problem, with lack of finance reported as the main reason for firms shutting down.

Mapping a way forward

As well as highlighting deficiencies and challenges facing Addis Ababa and its residents, the report identifies a number of potential interventions across systems and domains that could help pave a way forward. These include:

> Coordination and integration – Problems in one system can lead to inadequate service delivery in another, and there is a lack of coordination among different sectors working on the same issue. The city government therefore needs to establish mechanisms of coordination across sectors and bureaus to improve the efficiency and effectiveness of key services.

> Improving youth agency – Although young people have demographic and political significance in the city, they lack organisational and political power. This results in limited capacity to address the problems they are facing, such as in the formal and informal labour market, and in accessing services and housing. Young people need to be empowered through facilitating youth platforms, so they can exercise agency in advancing their interests.

> Enabling job-rich city development – The demand for jobs in Addis Ababa is very high, largely due to increasing migration, as the city is deemed by many to have economic and social opportunities. This means that the city has one of the country’s highest unemployment rates, especially among young people. Accelerating structural transformation through necessary support for enterprises should therefore be a priority to help create new jobs.

Read the full report
Read the research brief

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Header photo credit: helovi / Getty Images (via Canva Pro). Aerial view of Addis Ababa.

Note: This article presents the views of the authors featured and does not necessarily represent the views of the African Cities Research Consortium as a whole.

The African Cities blog is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), which means you are welcome to repost this content as long as you provide full credit and a link to this original post.

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]]> New research: Interrogating gender, youth and (in)security in African cities https://www.african-cities.org/new-research-interrogating-gender-youth-and-insecurity-in-african-cities/ Mon, 28 Apr 2025 07:00:00 +0000 https://www.african-cities.org/?p=7644 Across African cities, young people experience specific barriers to accessing livelihoods. A new crosscutting report examines this gendered youth–(in)security nexus in African cities.

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Across African cities, young people experience specific barriers to accessing livelihoods. This not only constrains their agency and ability to fulfil their aspirations but also creates environments in which they both perpetrate and experience violence. The form this violence takes largely varies by gender, along with other aspects of identity, including class, sexuality, ethnicity and migration/citizenship status.

A new crosscutting report by Katy Davis, Patience Adzande, Nicola Banks, Elizabeth Dessie, Olha Homonchuk, Wangui Kimari, Paula Meth, Sia Morenike Tengbe, Patience Mudimu-Matsangaise, Charity Mwangi, Teurai Anna Nyamangara, Martha Sibanda, Sally Theobald and Rachel Tolhurst examines this gendered youth–(in)security nexus in African cities.

While existing narratives around these issues can be reductive and binary – often labelling young men as “perpetrators” and young women as “victims” of violence – this report argues that deeper and more nuanced accounts of (in)security are needed. Shifting this narrative is key to developing strategies to improve the lives of young people, along with the safety and security of all African city residents.

The authors combine insights from existing literature with findings from ACRC research across three social domains – youth and capability development, safety and security, and health, wellbeing and nutrition. They draw on political settlements analysis to reveal how youth, gender and insecurity are closely intertwined with dynamic urban political processes and power relations that shape, and often constrain, opportunities for young people.

Three key dimensions emerge from the research:

1. Gendered marginalisation of urban youth – Transitions into young adulthood in African cities are diverse and non-linear. The processes of forming identities and social relationships are gendered and heavily influenced by these varying contexts. Against a landscape of poor economic growth, restricted educational opportunities and limited participation in politics and governance, young men are often expected to provide for their families, while all young people face gendered barriers to entering work. Although there are signs of young women contesting existing gender norms, there is limited research on female gender identity among urban African youth.

2. The making of (in)securities – Different forms of “security work” can provide livelihood opportunities for young men in African cities. Sometimes this is formal, but in many cases, young men organise to fill a void where state security services are absent. This work inevitably exposes them to violence – often perpetuating stereotypical and harmful narratives about young men being “radical” or “criminal”, while downplaying the agency of young women in these spaces. Although women are largely excluded from visible security work, they are often involved in less visible day-to-day work that helps keep themselves and their communities safe.

3. The gendered experiences of (in)security – Impacts of violence are also gendered, with some emerging forms of masculinity in African cities being expressed as gender-based violence. Threats of gender-based and sexual violence, particularly from formal and informal security forces, significantly impact the mobility of city residents – especially at night – in ways that vary by gender and other social positionalities.

The authors highlight the deep interconnectedness of these three themes, with sociopolitical contexts of African cities often leading to young men and women being marginalised in different ways and sometimes being drawn into various forms of (in)security as a means of fulfilling gendered social norms – paradoxically creating security for some and insecurity for others. They argue that employing a youth-gender-(in)security lens in urban development research, advanced by a lived experience methodology, can help to centre young people’s agency and counter harmful gender stereotypes.

Read the full report
Read the research summary

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Header photo credit: Random Institute / Unsplash. Three young people wait for a bus in Freetown, Sierra Leone.

The African Cities blog is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), which means you are welcome to repost this content as long as you provide full credit and a link to this original post.

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]]> New research: Productive partnerships and citizen agency key to urban reform in Kampala https://www.african-cities.org/new-research-productive-partnerships-and-citizen-agency-key-to-urban-reform-in-kampala/ Thu, 13 Feb 2025 04:00:00 +0000 https://www.african-cities.org/?p=7322 A new report by Paul Isolo Mukwaya, Judith Mbabazi and Henrik Ernstson draws on ACRC’s holistic conceptual framework components – politics, systems and domains – to analyse urban development in Kampala.

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A new report by Paul Isolo Mukwaya, Judith Mbabazi and Henrik Ernstson draws on ACRC’s holistic conceptual framework components – politics, systems and domains – to analyse urban development in Kampala.

Kampala is Uganda’s capital city, serving as its major administrative and commercial centre. One of Africa’s fastest-expanding cities, it is growing at an annual rate of 5.6%. Originally planned for 300,000 people at the time of its declaration as the capital city of Uganda, it has expanded rapidly over the past 60 years, with a daytime population of over 4.5 million. Yet its urban planning functions and infrastructure are struggling to keep pace with the acute needs of this growing population.

This new report explores how national and city-level politics, urban systems and particular configurations of actors, agencies, ideas and practices have shaped development across various domains. It looks at the urban development domains of informal settlements; youth and capability development; land and connectivity; and health, wellbeing and nutrition.

Through holistic analysis of various studies conducted by researchers in the city, the authors identify the most pressing development problems facing Kampala – and its disadvantaged communities in particular. They also highlight the challenges that are likely to be encountered in efforts to solve these issues in an equitable and (environmentally and fiscally) sustainable way.

Interest politics and institutional dysfunctionality

The report highlights Kampala’s highly politicised culture. Political authority in the city has become highly fragmented, with a myriad of power centres emerging. A series of experiments, including decentralisation and recentralisation of city governance, have not delivered the required service delivery outcomes for Kampala.

A longstanding commitment to privatisation and market-driven responses has weakened the capacity of both central and city governments to govern and coordinate critical systems and services effectively. Institutional dysfunctionality means that private formal and informal actors fill the many gaps in centralised systems, resulting in complex formal–informal modes of delivery that rarely offer reliable, accessible and affordable services. Water supply, waste management, sanitation, public safety, housing, energy and even circulation of traffic are systemic challenges. Urban life typically survives in the alternatives, with marginalised groups particularly affected by Kampala’s urban development problems. Overall, system shortcomings and improvisations have resulted in informal neighbourhoods, inaccessible settlements, inefficient transport systems, ineffective electricity distribution systems, insecurity and injustice.

Priority reforms and citizen agency

The report identifies the priority reforms that Kampala urgently requires. These include informal settlement upgrading; proper land registration; waste management; apprenticeship, skills development and vocational training for youth groups; and public health campaigns on healthy diets. State capabilities to address urban development challenges are needed in areas including financing, human resource capacity improvements, and the capacity to forge productive partnerships and new ways of working with relevant non-state actors and to undertake basic regulatory functions.

To address these issues, the authors identify a need to explore how local communities can participate effectively in city governance affairs – and how economists, political scientists, urban researchers and individuals or groups can give urban reform policy advice, without being construed as government critics or members of the opposition.

They point to the huge potential for citizen agency across the city. Residents are demanding urban reform around key service delivery challenges – using platforms such as neighbourhood watch systems, (in)formal financing systems, digital warrior and hashtag activism. These have increasingly been supported by community and civil society, which, with support, have the potential to offer a stronger voice and more effective source of service provision for Kampala’s most marginalised residents.

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Header photo credit: emretopdemir / Getty Images (via Canva Pro). View over Kampala, Uganda.

The African Cities blog is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), which means you are welcome to repost this content as long as you provide full credit and a link to this original post.

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]]> A silent crisis: Addressing the mental health needs of young people in African cities https://www.african-cities.org/a-silent-crisis-addressing-the-mental-health-needs-of-young-people-in-african-cities/ Mon, 21 Oct 2024 07:00:00 +0000 https://www.african-cities.org/?p=6944 By 2050, over half of Africa's population will be under 25. While African cities offer the potential for jobs and innovation, they also face a growing crisis: the mental wellbeing of their young people.

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By 2050, over half of Africa’s population will be under 25. While African cities offer the potential for jobs and innovation, they also face a growing crisis: the mental wellbeing of their young people.

Drawing on ACRC’s youth and capability development research – conducted in Addis Ababa, Freetown, Kampala, Maiduguri and Mogadishu – this blog examines the interconnected factors driving a mental health crisis among urban youth in Africa and proposes ways to start addressing the problems.

Why is there a mental health problem in African cities?

Young people across African cities are grappling with a perfect storm of challenges that threaten their mental wellbeing, including:

  • Economic hardship – Despite obtaining education and skills training, young people are often unable to find decent work, resulting in mass unemployment and underemployment. For example, in Mogadishu, the overall unemployment rate for those aged 14 to 29 is a staggering 67%, with young women facing an even higher rate of 74%. As a result, many young people struggle to meet their basic needs and, as a result, experience chronic stress and anxiety. Economic hardship gives rise to social stigmatisation and makes it difficult for young people to meet social markers of work, marriage and citizenship.
  • Conflict and insecurity – The shadow of conflict looms large in some African contexts, particularly in cities like Maiduguri and Mogadishu, where the ongoing insurgencies have resulted in widespread trauma, displacement and social fragmentation. Exposure to violence and loss leaves deep psychological scars, leading to conditions like post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), anxiety and depression.
  • Inadequate support systems – Mental health support services are often scarce, underfunded and stigmatised, leaving young people with limited options for seeking help. Compounding this issue is the pervasive stigma surrounding mental illness, both within communities and among policymakers. This stigma prevents young people from speaking openly about their struggles and seeking the help they need.

Key research findings

ACRC’s youth and capability development domain research paints a stark picture of the mental health challenges faced by young people in African cities.

A worrying trend highlighted in the research is the rising use by young people of alcohol and other substances, as a way to self-medicate and cope with their difficult circumstances. In Maiduguri, for instance, many young people use drugs like Tramadol, often to numb the pain of traumatic experiences.

Young women are disproportionately affected by mental health challenges, due to the intersection of economic hardship, social norms and gender-based violence. They face greater barriers in accessing education, employment and even healthcare – further marginalising them and increasing their vulnerability. In Freetown, for example, young women involved in sex work lack legal protection and face a heightened risk of trafficking and exploitation. These circumstances increase their risk of experiencing mental health issues.

The research also underscores the failure of education systems to adequately prepare young people for the workforce. Often, the curriculum is outdated and irrelevant to the needs of the labour market, so that graduates are ill-equipped to secure decent jobs. This lack of opportunity can contribute to feelings of inadequacy and hopelessness, further impacting mental wellbeing.

Ways to address mental health issues in African cities

There are a range of direct and indirect approaches that can address the mental health risks among young people in African cities. These include:

1. Investing in integrated and multisectoral approaches

Recognising the interconnected nature of the challenges, policymakers need to move beyond siloed interventions and adopt a holistic approach that addresses the social, economic and political determinants of mental health. This involves collaborating across sectors such as health, education, employment and social welfare to create comprehensive programmes that support young people’s overall wellbeing. Successful examples from OECD countries – such as the ICan Work programme in Wales, which integrates skills training with mental health support – could offer valuable lessons.

2. Prioritising meaningful youth participation

The research emphasises the need to go beyond tokenistic gestures and create genuine opportunities for young people to participate in civic decisionmaking processes that affect their lives. This involves empowering youth-led organisations, providing platforms for their voices to be heard and ensuring that their perspectives are integrated into policy design and implementation.

3. Tackling stigma and promoting mental health awareness

A crucial step in addressing the mental health crisis is dismantling the stigma associated with mental illness. This requires public awareness campaigns that challenge misconceptions, promote open conversations about mental health and encourage young people to seek help. It also involves training healthcare professionals to provide culturally sensitive and appropriate care for young people struggling with mental health issues.

4. Promoting decent work and economic opportunities

Policymakers need to prioritise job creation initiatives that target young people, focusing on sectors with growth potential and providing skills training that aligns with market demands. Supporting youth entrepreneurship and improving access to finance can also empower young people to create their own opportunities and contribute to economic growth.

5. Addressing the root causes of conflict and insecurity

Lasting peace and stability are essential for fostering mental wellbeing among young people. This requires addressing the underlying causes of conflict, investing in conflict resolution mechanisms, and providing psychosocial support for those affected by violence and displacement.

 

The mental health of young people in African cities is a critical issue that demands urgent attention. By acknowledging the scale and complexity of the problem, investing in integrated solutions and empowering young people to be agents of change, governments and policymakers can enable a brighter future for Africa’s next generation.

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Header photo credit: znm / iStock. A young woman walking through an informal settlement in Kampala, Uganda.

Generative AI was used to help draft this blog post:

We uploaded the full youth and capability development domain report to Google NotebookLM and asked it to summarise the key mental health findings and their implications for development practice. The draft post was then edited by the ACRC communications team, before being approved by one of the lead authors of the report.

The African Cities blog is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), which means you are welcome to repost this content as long as you provide full credit and a link to this original post.

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]]> Urbanisation, rentier capitalism and the politics of inequality in Kenya https://www.african-cities.org/urbanisation-rentier-capitalism-and-the-politics-of-inequality-in-kenya/ Wed, 11 Sep 2024 07:00:00 +0000 https://www.african-cities.org/?p=6855 On 25 June 2024, the streets of Nairobi erupted in protest against the government of Kenya’s plans to increase taxes on many everyday goods, such as food and fuel.

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By Tom Gillespie and Baraka Mwau

On 25 June 2024, the streets of Nairobi erupted in protest against the government of Kenya’s plans to increase taxes on many everyday goods, such as food and fuel. President William Ruto’s controversial 2024 Finance Bill was a response to Kenya’s ongoing fiscal crisis, with infrastructure debt financing playing a central role in motivating tax hikes.

The world watched on in shock as protestors occupied the Kenyan Parliament building and the police responded with indiscriminate and deadly use of tear gas and live ammunition. The Finance Bill was subsequently scrapped in response to overwhelming popular pressure, with Kenya’s tech-savvy youth assuming a particularly visible role in the unrest.

While the Finance Bill was the immediate trigger for what some have labelled the “Gen-Z” uprising, the anti-government protests indicate a turn towards anti-elite class politics motivated by persistent economic inequality in Kenya.

Drawing on our recently published research on the relationship between road building, urbanisation and rentier capitalism in Nairobi Metropolitan Region, we argue that the inequality that provoked these protests has an important urban geographical dimension that is easily overlooked in debates about class, ethnic and generational politics.

Infrastructure-led development and urbanisation

Ruto’s proposed tax hikes were a condition of a loan taken from the International Monetary Fund in response to Kenya’s ongoing sovereign debt crisis. This crisis is, in part, a product of the infrastructure-led development approach adopted by previous governments under the banner of Kenya’s Vision 2030 national development strategy. In particular, Uhuru Kenyatta’s 2013-2022 Jubilee government borrowed heavily from international funders for large-scale transport infrastructure projects, such as the Chinese-financed and built Standard Gauge Railway.

While Vision 2030 infrastructure projects have contributed to Kenya’s escalating debt burden, they have thus far failed to deliver on their promise of catalysing national economic prosperity. Rather, Kenyan workers struggle to navigate an adverse economic situation characterised by irregular incomes, rising living costs and growing indebtedness to mobile lending platforms. Meanwhile, successive governments have failed to initiate targeted debt repayment mechanisms, such as capturing increases in land value due to public infrastructure investments. Instead, infrastructure debt repayments are taken from the general revenue generated in the country.

A passenger train on the Standard Gauge Railway, speeding through Voi town on its way to Mombasa from Nairobi. Photo credit: TTC dude / Wikimedia Commons (CC BY-SA 4.0).

While a fair distribution of the economic benefits of infrastructure-led development have failed to materialise, road building projects have animated peri-urbanisation processes on Nairobi’s fringes, by opening up new territories to real estate speculation. Our research examined the impact of two Vision 2030 road projects on urbanisation dynamics in Nairobi: the “Superhighway”, connecting the capital to the town of Thika to the north, and the Eastern Bypass, linking this new highway to the international airport to the south. These initiatives received funding from the African Development Bank and China’s Exim Bank and were constructed by Chinese contractors between 2009 and 2023.

Our research found that the Thika Superhighway and Eastern Bypass projects have catalysed a peri-urban property boom, in which huge swathes of agricultural and ranching land have been subdivided into valuable plots of urban real estate. As a result, dense urban neighbourhoods dominated by high-rise rental housing have emerged along the route of these road corridors.

Rentier capitalism and class power

It is well established that the costs of public borrowing for infrastructure projects have been borne by Kenya’s taxpayers through austerity policies and tax increases. However, studying Nairobi’s urban geography reveals who the primary beneficiaries of these projects are. Road building in Nairobi has enabled the geographical expansion of rentier capitalism – accumulation through the extraction of rents from scarce land assets. This rentier capitalist expansion has enhanced the class power of politically connected elites in two ways.

First, individuals and land buying/selling firms with connections to politicians and government officials are often notified of confirmed road investments before they are announced to the public. This allows them to buy out existing landowners, such as smallholders or the shareholders of group farms. Land is then subdivided into plots which are sold for a significant profit once the roads are built.

Second, wealthy landlords have increased land rents by constructing high-rise tenements and flats on small plots of land near new roads, often in violation of planning and building regulations. Although ownership of some of these properties is opaque, it is widely suspected that well-connected individuals, including politicians, civil servants and senior business people own multiple blocks of highly profitable rental accommodation.

While the costs of Kenya’s infrastructure-led development strategy have been offloaded onto the public, therefore, Vision 2030 road building projects have reinforced the class power of the political and economic elite, by enabling them to engage in the appropriation of land rents. High-rise landlordism enables this elite to extract value from the 86% of households in Nairobi and its satellite towns that live in rental accommodation. As such, urbanisation and rentier capitalist expansion in Nairobi have reinforced the stark inequality that contributed to Kenya’s recent anti-government protests.

Land and the politics of inequality

The politics of inequality in Kenya has been intimately tied to land ownership since British settler colonial dispossession provoked the Mau Mau uprising in the 1950s. Furthermore, the 2004 Ndung’u report on elite land grabbing revealed the extent to which connections to political office have shaped the accumulation of property since independence. It is this amassing of land wealth that has enabled Kenya’s elite to capitalise on road building projects in peri-urban Nairobi.

Kenya’s propertied elite has historically relied on the politics of ethnic clientelism to divide the population and maintain their dominance. However, the failure of infrastructure-led development to generate broad-based prosperity has contributed to the emergence of an anti-elite populism, in which class, rather than ethnicity, is the primary reference point. Within this context, the recent protests represent the rejection of not just a particular bill or government, but Kenya’s highly unequal postcolonial political economy.

The scrapping of the Finance Bill raises the question of how best to expand Kenya’s tax base. While protestors have rejected further taxes on incomes or consumption, the possible use of land value capture mechanisms (beyond simply taxing rental income) deserves further exploration. Property taxation is very limited in many African cities, and increases in land value due to public infrastructure investments are typically appropriated by private actors, such as speculators and landlords. Capturing some of this value to fund public spending and investment would be a progressive alternative to further squeezing the collective incomes of ordinary Kenyans. Furthermore, it would address one of the root causes of inequality by reining in the economic power of the propertied elite.

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Header photo credit: Wirestock / iStock. Globe Roundabout in Nairobi, Kenya.

Note: This article presents the views of the authors featured and does not necessarily represent the views of the African Cities Research Consortium as a whole.

The African Cities blog is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), which means you are welcome to repost this content as long as you provide full credit and a link to this original post.

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]]> Obstructed paths into adulthood: Challenging the hindrances to young people’s lives in African cities https://www.african-cities.org/obstructed-paths-into-adulthood-challenging-the-hindrances-to-young-peoples-lives-in-african-cities/ Tue, 27 Aug 2024 07:00:00 +0000 https://www.african-cities.org/?p=6811 In African cities, young people struggle with limited opportunities and systemic failures. How can cities overcome these barriers to secure their future?

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By Elizabeth Dessie; first published on URBANET.

In African cities, young people struggle with limited opportunities and systemic failures. How can cities overcome these barriers to secure their future?

Young people represent a demographic majority in most African cities. However, young people and their rights to equal, integrated and uninterrupted access to education, secure and decent work, healthcare and safety do not always represent a priority for the state.

Young people often play a pivotal role in political campaigns and are considered central in mobilising pre-electoral change-centred sentiment – but for the most part, many promises from political elites are left unmet, leaving young women and men to make do with the opportunities they create for themselves. This is particularly notable in cities, which manifest the possibilities that come with economic success, whilst simultaneously embodying the stark contrasts that exclusionary development produces.

Recently published research conducted by the youth and capability development domain at the African Cities Research Consortium draws on findings from five African cities – Addis Ababa (Ethiopia), Freetown (Sierra Leone), Kampala (Uganda), Maiduguri (Nigeria) and Mogadishu (Somalia) – to better understand the challenges that young people face in their transitions into adulthood. Its findings are informed by a theoretical framework centred around a political settlement analysis.

The research has identified unemployment as the overarching concern urban youth face in their everyday lives. Many respondents point to a lack of commitment to meaningful, long-term solutions from the state as the underlying cause for their hardship. Alongside unemployment, they named a lack of quality and integrity of several crucial city systems – namely education, healthcare, transportation, finance, and law and order – hindrances to young people’s ability to move into adulthood with the required assets and resources.

The importance of multisectoral approaches

Whilst limited access to healthcare, low-quality education and other services mean that young people’s school-to-work transitions are impeded, findings from our research show that even in the presence of learning facilities and infrastructure appropriate for service provision, serious challenges remain.

“Overcrowded classrooms, low morality among the teachers, puny salaries for teaching and non-teaching staff, infrastructural deficiencies, and a collapse of governance at the school, district, and national level have all become part of this systemic failure.” 

– Key informant in Kampala

Cities like Freetown, Maiduguri, and Mogadishu advocate for non-governmental actors to play a part in addressing gaps in state-led service provision. However, the quality of services provided generally falls short, and access for the most underprivileged remains a luxury.

“TVET education is expensive, and this is a major challenge for young people who may have dropped out from formal schooling. TVET education should always be a ready option, but some of these courses are costly and that discourages many young people from enrolling.”

– Key informant in Freetown

Addressing the systemic failures of cities and their impacts on young people’s lives requires a multisectoral approach. This involves state institutions building partnerships with international and national non-governmental organisations (INGOs/NGOs), the private sector, and civil society in an effort to address the structural obstacles that obstruct young people’s ability to move forward in their lives. By drawing on the heterogeneity and leverage of a variety of stakeholders, multisectoral strategies may produce outcomes that result in more targeted, consistent, long-term improvements to the livelihood challenges that young people face.

Tackling inequality through political inclusion

In instances where young people do find work in the city, the pay they receive often does not stretch far enough to meet their basic living needs. This is particularly true amongst young women with children, who already face an array of challenges navigating labour market conditions.

“We are not even paid the cost of a single jacket we produce. I struggle a lot to cover my expenses. One day I had nothing to put in the lunch box for my son.”

– Factory employee in Addis Ababa

For young women and adolescent girls in particular, the need to get by in cities often leads to interrupted educational pathways which results in disenfranchising outcomes for their transitions towards adulthood. In Freetown and Maiduguri, unplanned pregnancies create conditions that force women and girls to drop out of school, with boys left to pursue their education uninterrupted by childcare responsibilities.

Moreover, urban public spaces were also identified as sites of pronounced insecurity for women and girls, whose everyday mobilities exposed them to the risk of being subjected to gender-based violence. The lack of incentive to integrate young women’s voices into formal politics means that the everyday challenges they face go unregistered.

“There are few women in political positions such as […] commissioner, but they hardly have a strong say on governance and even business. The men seem to have a stronghold and control nearly everything.”

– Civil servant in Maiduguri

While converting social norms can be particularly difficult to tackle, it is vital to recognise the political agency of youth in the design of more inclusive cities. If young people were afforded meaningful representation in formal politics, cities would be shaped by their authentic voices, challenges, concerns, and innovations. With time, such representations would build the potential to challenge disenfranchising configurations of power that cut across the social and political divide. As a result, this would dismantle social norms associated with gender – as well as other social categories of differentiation – and set the foundations for more inclusive cities for all.

Despite the many challenges faced by young people in African cities detaching them from linear transitions into adulthood, our research points to resourcefulness and a wealth of aspirations as some of the core assets that youth dispose of. It is vital to acknowledge youth in cities not solely as a demographic category, but most importantly as citizens who form an integral part of the social, political, and economic fabric of African societies of today and tomorrow.

This article is republished with permission from URBANET. Read the original article.

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Photo credits: Sohadiszno / iStock. Young people at Addis Mercato in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, the largest market in Africa.

Note: This article presents the views of the author featured and does not necessarily represent the views of the African Cities Research Consortium as a whole.

The African Cities blog is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), which means you are welcome to repost this content as long as you provide full credit and a link to this original post.

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]]> New research: Addressing security and governance challenges in Mogadishu https://www.african-cities.org/new-research-addressing-security-and-governance-challenges-in-mogadishu/ Fri, 23 Aug 2024 07:00:00 +0000 https://www.african-cities.org/?p=6778 ACRC has published a new report exploring the political dimensions of urban development in Harare, Zimbabwe.

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Mogadishu – as the capital of the Somali government – is at a crucial crossroads, dealing with intricate political, security and development challenges. A new report by Afyare A Elmi and Faisal N Ali synthesises the key insights from ACRC’s research on Mogadishu’s urban development.

Rapid urbanisation has led to a surge in construction and escalating land prices in the city. At the same time, Somalia’s unresolved constitutional issues impact the governance of Mogadishu. The presence of al-Shabaab, along with the rise of youth gangs, adds to the city’s security dilemmas.

The report focuses on politics, city systems, and four key domains: land and connectivity, informal settlements and internally displaced people (IDPs), safety and security, and youth capability development. The authors examine how the distribution of power in Somalia influences development and the prospects for developmental reform in Mogadishu, and analyse the systems by which actors and agencies attempt to sustain and/or improve urban life. The research involved interviews, focus group discussions and document analyses.

Political settlement

The political settlement in Somalia is influenced by clan-based power-sharing, federalism, regular elections, and the threat from al-Shabaab. The survival of the federal government in Mogadishu largely depends on the presence of the foreign peacekeeping forces and international financial support.

Formal power in the city is embedded in the federal structure. The mayor and deputies are appointed by the sitting president, and district commissioners are appointed by the mayor. The city authority has limited authority in terms of decisionmaking. Clan dynamics and informal power-sharing arrangements play a significant role in local governance.

International financial assistance is the backbone of elite patronage and political rivalry in Mogadishu and throughout Somalia. In this topdown, internally mediated political settlement, it is primarily the elite who reap the benefits of the status quo. City politics mirrors national politics, characterised by a fragile power balance, patronage, economic rentseeking and unpredictability. The concerns, needs and voices of ordinary Somalis are ignored, resulting in failure in terms of service delivery.

Urban systems

Mogadishu’s systems are at varying stages of recovery from the recent extended civil war, with the government developing policies related to system governance. Prior to the war, most systems were under the control of the central government, but now, private companies and donors are also involved.

The report looks at the following systems: education, water, energy, transport, food distribution, waste management, finance, health, and law and order. Through a systems approach, it explores intersections between these systems and how they are impacted by the city’s complex political landscape.

Domains

In terms of land and connectivity, the report highlights the complexities of land ownership and usage in Mogadishu, influenced by historical claims, clan affiliations and informal settlements. It examines the city’s infrastructure, including roads and communication networks, and how these impact economic activities and access to services.

The authors also discuss the challenges faced by residents of informal settlements and IDP camps, such as inadequate housing, lack of basic services and vulnerability to evictions. They also look at efforts to integrate these settlements into the broader urban framework, to improve living conditions and access to services.

Safety and security challenges are another key focus, including the threat from al-Shabaab and the impact of clan-based conflicts. The paper explores how these issues affect social mobility and daily life for residents.

The report also highlights the importance of education and employment opportunities for youth in Mogadishu, addressing the gaps and challenges in these areas. It examines various programmes and initiatives aimed at empowering youth and enhancing their capabilities.

Developmental challenges

The report analyses and identifies critical developmental issues in Mogadishu and anticipates challenges in addressing them equitably and sustainably, both environmentally and fiscally. Key issues include the undefined security structure of the city, prevalence of youth gangs and the political economy of public service privatisation.

Improved governance, better infrastructure and inclusive polices are highlighted as key to creating a more stable and prosperous city. The report suggests viable solutions, taking into account obstacles such as contested governance, security concerns, urban infrastructure deficits, planning failures and the taxation system. The authors advocate a holistic approach to urban development, considering both formal and informal practices.

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Read the research brief

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Header photo credit: Amina Mo / Unsplash. A street in Mogadishu, Somalia.

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