Kampala - ACRC https://www.african-cities.org African Cities Research Consortium Wed, 12 Aug 2026 15:12:06 +0000 en-GB hourly 1 https://www.african-cities.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/cropped-Screenshot-2021-03-09-at-15.39.22-32x32.png Kampala - ACRC https://www.african-cities.org 32 32 Between law and praxis: Navigating land governance in Kampala’s informal settlements https://www.african-cities.org/between-law-and-praxis-navigating-land-governance-in-kampalas-informal-settlements/ Wed, 12 Aug 2026 07:00:00 +0000 https://www.african-cities.org/?p=9522 Buying a piece of land – locally referred to as a “plot”, though not in the formal sense of a plot – in Kampala’s informal settlements is a complex experience.

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By Muhamed Lunyago, CLASK action research project co-lead

Buying a piece of land – locally referred to as a “plot”, though not in the formal sense of a plot – in Kampala’s informal settlements is a complex experience.

From the outset, the buyer is cautious about the different dynamics surrounding urban land transfers and the local politics involved. Before they can hand over their money, they will be advised to first see the chairperson of Local Council I (hereafter LCI – LCs is a broader structure from district to village, but LCI is the village-based administrative unit).

In Kisenyi, just like in many other Ugandan informal settlements, LCI chairpersons verify ownership of the land during transaction and draft, sign and stamp land agreements. They also act as witnesses to land transactions and, in case of a post-transfer dispute, as conflict mediators and court witnesses. The role they play and their power in local land governance has been reinforced by some Ugandan utility service providers.

A power paradox

Our action research in Kisenyi revealed that utility service providers frequently require letters of introduction from LCI leaders or LCI stamps on land agreements before water, electricity or other utility services are approved.

Yet the critical role LCIs play was found to be paradoxical, as LCI chairpersons and committees have no explicit legal mandate over land administration in Uganda. Despite the fact that Uganda’s legal, administrative and policy frameworks assign land administration to mandated institutions under the Ministry of Lands, Housing and Urban Development (MLHUD), everyday forms of land governance happen within local communities, under the stewardship of LCI leaders.

As such, LCIs, especially chairpersons, have become hugely influential in land transfers in informal settlements. But with no legal mandate, a key question is how Uganda’s village-based leaders became such influential local land governance actors? The reality – which forms part of a broader critique of colonial and postcolonial governance – is that institutions are not constituted solely by formal rules, but also through everyday practices, relationships and established forms of trust. This is especially the case in contexts marked by historical vulnerability.

Local land governance frameworks…

We understand that Uganda runs what has been described (if not romanticised) as Africa’s most decentralised local governance system. Since the 1990s, when it was formalised through the Local Government Act of 1997, local councils have so far formed the core of this governance framework (from the city to the village level). Notably, the LCI Executive Committee is legally recognised as the lowest level of administration in both rural and urban areas, with statutory responsibilities including maintaining local security, mobilising communities to participate in government programmes, resolving local disputes and performing other administrative functions.

But regarding land matters, LCI committees have no legal mandate, as authority over land administration is vested in a separate institutional framework. As mentioned earlier, the MLHUD is at the apex of this framework, overseeing land governance through institutions such as the Ministerial Zonal Offices, District Land Boards, District Land Officers, Area Land Committees and Land Recorders. Principally, the responsibility for land administration rests firmly with these mandated land institutions.

…and local realities

This legal recognition, however, tells only part of the story – particularly when it comes to contexts like informal settlements, where small-scale yet everyday land transfers are predominant. While legislation has established a formal system of land administration through mandated institutions and legal procedures, communities have concomitantly developed an informal system of land governance that operates alongside it.

As Kampala’s urban Gen-Z say, “ku ground biralamu” (“the reality is different on the ground”). Residents often rely on “trusted” local actors to facilitate land transfers, verify ownership claims and resolve disputes. It is within this somewhat parallel system that LCIs have become essential.

With informal settlements rarely conforming to formal land administration workings, most land is undocumented and state institutions lack sufficient knowledge to verify competing claims. This can especially be seen in Kampala, with the layered nature of rights and claims on Mailo land. (The majority of land in Kisenyi is under Mailo land tenure, protecting the interests of both title owners and lawful occupants/tenants.) These and other reasons have left a land governance lacuna that needed to be filled.

Fulfilling community needs

With time, communities found resolve in LCI leaders. Their success in these spaces comes from their intimate knowledge of local communities – a currency that mandated state institutions can barely afford. As some LCI chairpersons have ruled their villages since Resistance Councils (RCs) were established, their historical memory of land occupancy, inheritance arrangements, existing encumbrances on land, rightful ownership and other matters is unmatched.

By implication, their legitimacy is derived from their social proximity, historical knowledge, accumulated trust and embeddedness in society. As our research in Kisenyi shows, LCIs routinely find themselves writing and signing land agreements, witnessing land transfers, verifying identities of land sellers and buyers, mediating conflicts and offering custody to copies (sometimes originals) of land-related records.

Over time, these roles have become institutionalised through everyday practices, positioning LCIs as the first point of contact in land matters at the local level for a whopping majority of informal urbanites. Of course, in doing so, they have also become local gatekeepers of land transfers and related matters, with their lack of legal mandate arguably creating vulnerabilities and opening room for abuse.

Emerging lessons from Kisenyi

From the experience of Kisenyi, four (of the many) lessons are worth stressing:

1. Institutional authority is not always entirely synonymous with juridical authority. It is often relational, since it is produced and reproduced through recurring interactions, trust and communal recognition. The power of LCI leaders on land matters in Kisenyi is, for instance, reproduced through everyday practices of land transfers.

2. Informality in land transfers should be seen as internal to the state, not external. LCIs are legally established government structures performing somewhat illegal/unofficial roles. As such, they are “caught in the middle” of operating as state structures and performing informal community practices. In essence, state authority is seen to be contested and negotiated in informal settlements.

3. Effective, inclusive and people-centred governance should not be dictated by statutory authority and institutional configurations. Rather, it should also be shaped by socially embedded knowledge and practices.

4. Legal and policy regimes alone cannot sustain land governance in contexts characterised by informality, fragility and historical vulnerability.

Reconciling land system vulnerabilities

In closing, we should not forget the warning from eminent political theorist, Mahmood Mamdani, in his newest book that the entire Ugandan political system has become fragile and vulnerable, with corruption becoming structural. This means that the vulnerability of LCIs is not an isolated occurrence but a systemic problem.

Challenges that may come with recognition of LCIs in land administration, and whether they should participate in local land governance, are very legitimate concerns. Far more important, however, is how the Ugandan state should respond to this entrenched reality. A few options emerged during our action research, including:

> Formal acknowledgment and regulation of the functions that LCIs already perform;

> Capacitating LCIs through trainings, recognising and streamlining their roles, defining their surcharges;

> Creation of stronger institutional linkages between LCIs and mandated structures.

We will explore these options and their limitations in more detail in future blog posts from the CLASK team.

It will be interesting to explore how the state goes about reconciling these everyday practices with socially acceptable, equitable and inclusive aspects of the law – given that the ongoing review of the Uganda National Land Policy pointed to the contradictory yet relevant role of LCIs.

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Header photo credit: Muhamed Lunyago. CLASK Meeting with MLHUD officials and consultants reviewing the Uganda National Land Policy.

Note: This article presents the views of the authors featured and does not necessarily represent the views of the African Cities Research Consortium as a whole.

The African Cities blog is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), which means you are welcome to repost this content as long as you provide full credit and a link to this original post.

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]]> Unpacking the complexity of informal urban land governance in Kisenyi informal settlement, Kampala https://www.african-cities.org/unpacking-the-complexity-of-informal-urban-land-governance-in-kisenyi-informal-settlement-kampala/ Thu, 09 Jul 2026 07:00:00 +0000 https://www.african-cities.org/?p=9487 During ACRC’s foundation phase, the Kampala land and connectivity domain research revealed how relevant and critical local councils (LCs) are in land transfers, especially in informal settlements. To deepen our understanding of this challenge, we are conducting action research in Kisenyi informal settlement in Kampala.

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By Muhamed Lunyago, CLASK action research project co-lead, and Joseph Mukasa, CLASK project administrator

During ACRC’s foundation phase, the Kampala land and connectivity domain research revealed how relevant and critical local councils (LCs) are in land transfers, especially in informal settlements. This is because they were drawing land agreements, witnessing and validating land ownership transfers/transactions, and participating in different forms and aspects of land transfers.

The team observed that the active participation of LCs in land transfers was producing and/or fuelling conflicts – exacerbating tensions between landlords and tenants, land buyers and tenants, and land buyers and land sellers.

To deepen our understanding of this challenge, we are conducting action research in Kisenyi informal settlement in Kampala, through a project titled “Capacitating local councils for secure land transfers in Kisenyi informal settlements, Kampala City (CLASK)”. We prioritised the issue of LC involvement in land transfers in the first phase of the action research.

Rooftops of Kisenyi informal settlement, Kampala. Credit: Slum Dwellers International / Flickr (CC BY 2.0)

Contextualising the CLASK study

Land transfer in this context does not refer to the formal transfer of registered land, but to any form of land transaction – whether by gifting, buying or selling of registered or unregistered land – as long as the LCs are involved. This conceptualisation differs from the state conception of transfer, which focuses on the registered land.

 

By engaging different stakeholders – including LC leaders, local communities, government institutions, land brokers, representatives from traditional institutions, lawyers and some NGOs – the research aimed to establish what the LCs do, how they do it and what challenges they face. All this was done to unpack the complex nature of informal urban land governance, access, broader relations, contestations and conflicts in informal settlements, through the lens of Kisenyi.

Through interrogating this complex urban development challenge, the CLASK project team prioritised co-designing a solution to this intractable challenge. The team collected data through desk reviews, focus group discussions, interviews, field workshops and site visits. To understand the kind of land agreements that the LCs were writing and/or witnessing, we analysed different sample land agreements written by LC leaders and lawyers, using a comparative approach.

An action research meeting. Credit: Muhamed Lunyago 

LCs at the epicentre of land transactions

The study confirmed that LCs are entrenched in Uganda’s local government structures, with some having been in leadership since the birth of the Resistance Councils in 1986, when the current National Resistance Movement (NRM) government took power. As such, most LC leaders claim long experience in land transfers and henceforth the knowledge of administering land. However, they have been relying on local knowledge gained from their long experience of writing and/or witnessing land transfers, rather than following the law.

Extra-legal realities

Although the LCs have been doing a commendable job helping out with land transactions, their actions were considered “extra-legal”, following a lack of legislative backing from either the Land Act or Local Government Act. Whereas the latter recognises them as the lowest unit of local government administration under the decentralised system of governance since 1992, their involvement in land matters is not stipulated in any law or policy. Yet they continue to either witness and/or endorse land transactions, and engage in other land-related matters in their respective communities. The absence of a well-defined mandate for LC leaders in land matters does not only complicate the work they do, but also land relations and ensuing contestations.

Capacity and knowledge gaps – the missing link to secure land transactions

Our engagement in the field revealed numerous capacity gaps among most LC leaders, leading to conflicts and contestations. These ranged from lack of basic knowledge of land laws and tenure arrangements, to illiteracy, to resource and financial limitations. For instance, it was observed that some LC leaders lack a basic understanding of different forms of land tenure systems and land ownership forms, impacting their ability to draft and/or witness proper land agreements. Many LCs also refer to a kibanja (tenancy ownership right) as a plot. However, formally, a plot is defined as land with particular dimensions (such as 50 x 100 ft), whereas kibanja is a form of ownership – where there is a landlord of a larger title with a tenant who bought tenancy rights – irrespective of the size of the land. This misinterpretation leads to contestable land agreements.

Similarly, many LC leaders lacked basic knowledge or training on how to write land agreements. Upon election, LCs are not inducted on making land agreements or handling land matters – most likely because of their lack of legal mandate. Yet they continue to play recognisable roles in handling land transfers – to the extent that transactions done before lawyers go to the LCs for ownership verification and due diligence. Such incapacity leaves loopholes and missing details, which are often exploited, especially by powerful elites, thereby opening the floodgates to land conflicts.

Secondly, the study established that LCs were using official headed papers to draft land agreements. While seemingly done to offer some guarantee of security and authentication, we found that this had legal, moral and economic implications. By drafting an agreement on headed paper, the LC lays some claim to the land – as confirmed by lawyers and other government officials we engaged in the course of the research. However, the social acceptability of the headed paper was no safeguard against land theft, as it would actually invalidate a land claim.

The acceptable best practice was instead for the agreement to be written on plain paper, then signed and stamped by the LCs as witnesses. This revelation came about when an LC leader was faulted in court for using official headed paper, raising questions around social acceptability vs legality, and whether this can be reconciled.

Loopholes and lapses in land transactions

Writing land agreements and transferring land in Kisenyi II and III were found to be processes marred by fraud, forgery and false witness accounts. While some LCs intentionally engage in fraud, others have participated unintentionally, by not reading agreements written by other parties. Examples shared during interviews and discussions highlighted that fraud is not isolated. It grows from weak oversight, little to no remuneration, and the unclear and/or undefined roles of LCs within the land governance system. Some LCs signed agreements without reading them through, some are illiterate and some do not conduct proper due diligence and verification before witnessing or writing a land transfer agreement.

The LCs and most residents transacting and transferring land did not consider the issue of landlord consent to be very important, yet most are bibanja (plural of kibanja) holders. Legally, anyone sitting on land that has a titleholder requires the consent of the landlord in order to sell the land. This is because, by law, the landlord must be given first priority in the case of a land sale. In the same way, if a landlord wants to sell the land, they must give first priority to the tenant (kibanja holder) – the person occupying the land. Since their consent is not always sought, most land transactions happen illegally, again laying the groundwork for immediate or future land conflicts.

LC–lawyer rivalry

Competing interests between LC leaders, lawyers and other interest groups have resulted in adversarial relationships among these different actors and interest groups. LCs claimed lawyers were overtaking their mandate because many people were shunning them for lawyers, leading LCs to feel threatened when a land transfer has an agreement drawn by a lawyer.

As a result, LC leaders demand high fees for their services, including witnessing or offering verification information. Many LCs indicated that if they are given their cut, they rarely bother carrying out due diligence. This in turn increases the risk of conflicts and insecurity.

Is inclusion too evasive?

The challenge of including vulnerable groups was raised as a critical concern in transfer processes. Currently, the LC committee has representatives for women, people with disabilities and youth. However, in most cases during land transfers, special representatives are not invited.

In instances where they are called on, this is often done at a late stage, making it difficult for them to attend meetings or appear during land transfers. Study participants indicated this is done deliberately to exclude them – while giving the impression that there were attempts to include them – and happens even in instances where vulnerable people are directly involved in the transaction as buyers or sellers. This cast a lot of doubt on the whole issue of inclusion on LC committees – akin to rubber-stamping.

Presentation on points to consider in an agreement. Credit: Muhamed Lunyago

Next steps towards co-creating solutions

Findings from the initial CLASK research reiterate the contribution of LCs in bridging communities’ access to land transactions and governance. They also point to legal limitations, capacity gaps and questions around integrity, due diligence, inclusion and competing interests as critical impediments.

Building on this preliminary work, the CLASK team is working with communities and stakeholders in the land sector to co-create potential solutions that address some of these gaps and push for secure land transfer services.

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Header photo credit: Muhamed Lunyago

Note: This article presents the views of the authors featured and does not necessarily represent the views of the African Cities Research Consortium as a whole.

The African Cities blog is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), which means you are welcome to repost this content as long as you provide full credit and a link to this original post.

Creative Commons License

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]]> Electricity in Kampala: Turning “access to all” from slogan to reality https://www.african-cities.org/electricity-in-kampala-turning-access-to-all-from-slogan-to-reality/ Tue, 23 Jun 2026 07:00:00 +0000 https://www.african-cities.org/?p=9391 The need for access to safe and affordable energy has been recognised at the global scale, but progress towards equitable access for all has been slow in many low-income neighbourhoods.

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By Francis Mawejje, social worker and programme manager (community-led data) at ACTogether Uganda and ACRC action research lead for Kampala’s electricity access project

The need for access to safe and affordable energy has been recognised at the global scale, but progress towards equitable access for all has been slow in many low-income neighbourhoods.

This is acute in urban areas, where those living in informal neighbourhoods lack access to public services, dense housing built from cardboard and wood is a fire risk, and livelihoods are dependent on access to energy. Many residents are tenants, which is an added complication in accessing electricity, as the landowner can block direct access to the utility (and subsidy).

In Kampala, ACTogether is working with the National Slum Dwellers Federation of Uganda to transform access to grid electricity.

The government of Uganda has recognised the importance of access to clean energy through three subsidy and financing frameworks. The government is using a cooperative model to increase the likelihood that resources reach the residents of informal settlements. However, to date, progress has been slow.

This blog post introduces the subsidies that exist already, explains that they do not work, and describes how ACTogether and the Ugandan Slum Dwellers Federation are working to address this deficit in inclusive programming.

Existing subsidy models

1. Electricity Connections Policy (ECP): Launched in 2018, the ECP aims for a 60% electrification rate by 2027 by providing “free” connections to households situated within 35-90 metres of a pole. While the connection itself is subsidised, households must still meet the costs of internal wiring and obtaining a wiring certificate. The official connection application involves inspection fees of UGX 23,600-41,300. Research findings show that residents pay an average of UGX 86,620 in informal “fees” and UGX 100,000-200,000 for a wiring certificate, in order to bypass delays manufactured by official surveyors and inspectors (technical gatekeepers) during inspections.

2. Price Subsidy Programme: This is a market-driven initiative whereby the state provides 30-70% discounts on clean energy technologies like solar systems and clean cooking solutions. The subsidy funds go directly to pre-qualified energy service companies (ESCOs) to lower the upfront purchase price. Uptake in informal neighbourhoods is low, due to a lack of affordability and a lack of information. To be eligible for the discounted price offered by this programme requires a national ID and proof of ability to pay. However, individual applicants in informal settlements often lack the financial literacy or initial capital to engage with ESCOs alone.

3. Government credit lines via participating financial institutions (PFIs): The Uganda Energy Credit Capitalisation Company (UECCC) provides low-interest loan programmes through PFIs like Centenary Bank. These loans are intended to cover the expensive “house wiring” hurdle that excludes low-income households from the formal grid. However, loans are often inaccessible to informal residents, who lack the formal assets and/or credit history required.

Powerful political interests are well-served by the current system

Despite the government’s commitment to inclusive energy, the presence of powerful informal actors means that financial gain (rentseeking) dominates the process of accessing electricity. These informal actors include:

> Technical gatekeepers (surveyors and inspectors employed by the utility), who hold considerable power. They often “manufacture delays” during technical inspections to solicit informal payments.

> Informal brokers (Kamyufus), who are frequently former utility trainees or staff and now provide speedy informal access to the grid. They may charge a monthly fee (approximately UGX 10,000) regardless of consumption.

> Property owners (landlords), who often use Kamyufus to bypass delays in the formal system. They charge tenants marked-up rates of UGX 10,000-20,000 a month.

> Utility staff/installers (Musombwa), who are formally employed engineers working with informal brokers to connect residents. Staff extract fees from applicants, typically UGX 100,000-200,000, for connections.

A focus group discussion held as part of the research process

Who are the important agencies?

ACTogether Uganda and the National Slum Dwellers Federation of Uganda (NSDFU) are coordinating a coalition to address these problems. They act as “navigators” for the process. Alongside providing professional support, they also focus on:

> Building trust – Bridging the communication gap between suspicious residents and formal utilities to overcome the “transparency deficit”.

> Social collateral – Leveraging organised informal settlement dwellers into community collectives to provide the social guarantees that replace individual credit history, making residents “bankable” for formal lenders.

UEDCL (the state-owned distributor) is a vital member of the coalition, ensuring technical integrity and grid stability. It has two significant contributions to make:

> Bulk service deals – The coalition aspires to negotiate bulk deals and discounted rates from UEDCL for the community collectives, rather than dealing with fragmented individual applications.

> Setting technical standards – Collaborating to institutionalise the “ready board” as a standardised technical solution for bypassing expensive housing-wiring requirements.

The Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA) provides the critical urban planning framework that allows the initiative to move from a pilot to a city-wide system. Its role includes:

> Regulatory alignment – Ensuring electricity access is integrated with other urban systems like water and road access.

> Local approvals – Validating the residency of applicants and providing “letters of no-objection” for placing shared infrastructure in communal spaces.

The Ministry of Energy (MEMD) and UECCC provide the “vertical integration” needed to align community needs with national fiscal frameworks, focusing on:

> Formal recognition – Securing a memorandum of understanding (MoU) that recognises community cooperatives as legitimate intermediaries for the national Electricity Access Scale-up Project (EASP) and the results-based framework.

> Risk mitigation – Developing framework agreements with PFIs like Centenary Bank, where the coalition helps define how the fund acts as a collective guarantor.

A co-creation dialogue held with community members

Improving outcomes through collaboration

Led by ACTogether and NSDFU, the coalition seeks to:

> Improve access for tenants through landlord–tenant negotiations – Standardising legal consent through agreements that protect a tenant’s investment in equipment, while securing the landlord’s permission for formal connection.

> Introduce a multi-stakeholder transparency dashboard –A low-tech, high-transparency digital interface (SMS/USSD/web/app) to track application status and eliminate “manufactured delays” and unofficial fees. With digital clarity, enabled through a real-time process tracker, the proposal seeks to strip technical gatekeepers (like surveyors) of the discretionary power they currently use to solicit informal fees.

> Challenge residents’ isolation and aggregate applicants into organised, credit-ready cooperatives – This process begins by identifying existing community associations and organising them into electricity cooperatives. Many of these associations are NSDFU women-led savings groups. These associations undergo capacity-building sessions focusing on financial literacy, leadership and the use of digital tools to foster self-reliance and trust.

The cooperatives help to bridge the complex requirements of national programmes – like UECCC and the EASP – with the lived realities of informal neighbourhoods. By enabling the utility to work with aggregated demand and bulk applications, it will be easier to challenge informal payments demanded by technical gatekeepers.

In addition to creating and capacitating cooperatives, ACTogether and NSDFU are also seeking to transition Kamyufus from “illegal actors” into certified agents to improve safety and response times. The project plans to select and certify ten to 15 experienced Kamyufus to act as official liaisons between the utility and the cooperative. This turns a “security threat” – brokers who tampered with legal meters to force residents back into illegal arrangements – into a “service asset” under a regulatory framework.

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Photo credits: ACTogether Uganda

Note: This article presents the views of the authors featured and does not necessarily represent the views of the African Cities Research Consortium as a whole.

The African Cities blog is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), which means you are welcome to repost this content as long as you provide full credit and a link to this original post.

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]]> Reflections from the ACRC Kampala cross-project learning workshop https://www.african-cities.org/reflections-from-the-acrc-kampala-cross-project-learning-workshop/ Fri, 29 May 2026 07:00:00 +0000 https://www.african-cities.org/?p=9316 ACRC held a cross-project learning workshop in Kampala during the last week of April 2026., bringing together the Kampala city team, representatives from the action research projects, and members of the senior management and central uptake teams.

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By Joy Birungi and Rosebella Apollo

ACRC held a cross-project learning workshop in Kampala during the last week of April 2026, bringing together the Kampala city team, representatives from the action research (AR) projects, and members of the senior management and central uptake teams.

Activities over the two and a half day workshop served as both an inspiration and a brain teaser, pulling reflections from the past research phase and highlighting learnings that could inform ACRC’s implementation phase in Kampala.

Participants were organised into four functional teams – writers, community knowledge, AR leads and research uptake – to allow inclusive involvement and full exploration of group capacities.  As a result, they were able to gain substantial clarity on the mandate of ACRC, the core pillars, domains and application of the ACRC theory of change, and overarching influence on state policy, programming and practices.

Through quick fire panel discussions, functional team group discussions, world café presentations and fishbowl conversations, teams embarked on robust reflections about the ACRC journey – interrogating bright spots, challenges and possible ways of strengthening collaborations and forging integrated reform agendas.

Key learnings

Stakeholder engagement

Within AR projects stakeholder engagement was reported to have worked well, especially capitalising on existing relationships as probable entry points to key government offices. Pre-project preparations, such as preparing project profiles and framing key messages, acted as hooks for target stakeholders. In other instances, there was need to create and build new relationships critical to project outcomes, acceptability and continuity.

During discussions, it was noted that conducting discussions with stakeholders deepened insights of action research scooping studies, and that stakeholder mapping was helpful in identifying individuals who were well-aligned to influence specific policies and programming. Research teams conducted comprehensive community stakeholder mapping to determine potential community gatekeepers, devising strategic ways to engage these stakeholders to ease entry and enable local buy-in. For example, public markets required preauthorisation from the leadership at the City Hall to engage any market officers, dwellers and vendors. Likewise, teams had to continuously update the stakeholder matrix based on state and community feedback to ensure engagement remains relevant.

The importance of aligning ACRC Kampala projects with Uganda’s National Development Plan IV and Uganda’s Vison 2040, in addition the UN Sustainable Development Goals and African Union, was noted as a key reform entry point.

Power of community knowledge

The contribution of community knowledge leads in navigating community politics was undisputed.

“Community knowledge team was a great bridge between project researchers and community leaders and dwellers.”

Creative use of informal knowledge sources – such as community volunteers and Kamyufus, who do not have legal mandate but prove resourceful in mapping and capturing ground practices – enriched the documentation of AR projects. However, during the workshop, researchers were reminded to be more flexible and patient while dealing with various community dynamics for project entry and acceptance. Several communities are often influenced by cultural norms and beliefs, political parties and natural attitude towards strangers for fear of eviction.

Additionally, ACRC’s collaborative research approach supported communities and stakeholders to champion their own solutions through co-design workshops for the different projects. Plans to establish and steer dialogues between government agencies and communities through existing and emerging platforms would push the community agenda into the elites’ view.  To sum it up, good entry strategies, patience and collaboration were a few of the requirements to work effectively with communities in Kampala.

Leveraging political opportunity structures

In the months before the AR projects commenced, Uganda underwent an active electioneering period – challenging timely access to key state officials, quality participation from informal settlement residents and uptake pathways for ACRC projects in the city. Collaboration across teams was central to navigating politics within the research process and ensuring neutrality. AR teams worked with each other on entry points, shared probable bottlenecks and collectively devised actions and strategies to manage contestations. Although the political season presented a fair share of setbacks, the learning meeting drew attention to potential opportunities, including rekindling relationships with incumbent officials, opportunities to align with emerging priorities and seizing active policy windows.

ACRC theory of change as a roadmap

Teams gained overall clarity of how specific projects feed into the overall ACRC mission and theory of change (ToC).  The workshop amplified need to design and develop cross-project plans and strategies, looking at engagement processes, documentation and communication outputs together. Participants discussed how the AR project approach ensures citizen mobilisation, through community participation coordinated by local leaders, which in turn is supported by the elite commitment to drive change.

In terms of elite commitment, this is shown by the inclusion of evidence from AR projects in revisions of national policies, programmes and regulations. A case in point is research findings from the CLASK project informing local government induction trainings and policy consideration for land matters.

Opportunities for the emergence of reform coalitions were identified, such as within the markets, and there is potential for both mainstreaming coalitions across different projects and deepening understanding around building state capacity – the final component of the ToC.

Taking the learning forward

Throughout the workshop, research uptake and the ToC were woven into the tapestry of conversations, highlighting the centrality of these two components in advancing a formidable reform agenda. A clear need for capacity sharing initiatives across the city was identified, to build on the research uptake strategy and forge deeper connections with the ToC.

From the workshop, aspirations for moving together included:

> Co-learning and co-creation of knowledge

The writers group committed to a learning agenda to cross-fertilise ideas and lessons across different functional teams. Most importantly, this is set to involve a collaboration between community knowledge team members and researchers that goes beyond documentation, to incorporating learning and co-producing knowledge.

> Desire for a joint multistakeholder engagement

Building on comprehensive stakeholder mapping to establish common interest and requests, different project teams could attend stakeholder meetings together to pursue common interests. For example, engaging with city authorities and ministerial bodies cuts across all projects. This approach would address a number of bottlenecks and failed attempts in gaining stakeholders’ attention and participation.

Developing and implementing a city stakeholder engagement strategy, plans and budget could facilitate this, by outlining project structuring processes and stakeholder needs, with participation from the uptake lead, AR leads and researchers. A detailed stakeholder database could also be created for easy retrieval of contact information. 

> Joint communication and documentation

Many teams shared a desire to sharpen communication and dissemination activities in Kampala – from developing a toolkit to share best approaches, to adopting more community-centric communication outputs to increase access to information and capture community voices, to producing podcasts. Functional teams also shared aspirations to tell a city story, moving away from traditional action research stories.

Kampala’s overarching reform agenda

All in all, the workshop provided the groundwork for team Kampala to start looking at the AR projects as building blocks that are contributing to a bigger change process. As the curtains closed on the learning meeting, an important ask for the team was to think through a citywide reform agenda – mapping potential shifts and changes and weaving these into a coordinated effort to push the reform frontier.

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Photo credits: Rosebella Apollo

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]]> Is soil filling a solution to flooding in Kampala’s Ggaba Market? https://www.african-cities.org/is-soil-filling-a-solution-to-flooding-in-kampalas-ggaba-market/ Thu, 26 Mar 2026 07:00:00 +0000 https://www.african-cities.org/?p=9096 Ggaba Market, located on the shores of Lake Victoria in Makindye Division, Kampala, is one of the city’s most lucrative markets for fish, fresh produce and basic essentials. For years, the market has battled with seasonal flooding, most significantly in 2021.

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By Vivian Halerah Kangole, Nambi Inviolah, Nalubulwa Sumaiya and Nakigudde Saidat

Ggaba Market, located on the shores of Lake Victoria in Makindye Division, Kampala, is one of the city’s most lucrative markets for fish, fresh produce and basic essentials. For years, the market has battled with seasonal flooding, most significantly in 2021. Several factors – such as the rise in Lake Victoria water levels, underground springs, runoff water due to heavy rains and blocked drainage channels – were linked to flooding.

The blocked drainage creates small lagoons of water within the market, causing vendors to shift to alternative spaces. A young female vendor who had a well-established silver-fish (mukene) stall in the middle of the market was forced to move. She said, “The flood destroyed my stall, and I now have no permanent stall to work from. I must wake up early and find space on the ground to lay my foodstuffs and start working.”

What is soil filling?

Walking around the market, piles of small and big murram soils – a mixture of gravel, sand and clay – are evident. These are a temporary solution, commonly known as “soil filling”, to address the mini-flooding across the market. Vendors who operate along the market pathways mobilise each other to purchase murram soil, in order to cover the waterlogged surfaces to ease access to the market. As a result, vendors believe raising the ground surface level will prevent flooding.

But is soil filling a solution to flooding or just a temporary bandage, potentially leading to a worse situation?

How reliable and effective is soil filling?

In the context of Ggaba Market, soil filling has offered temporary relief from stagnant water. It has created a clean, levelled ground to work on and made navigation easier for customers and vendors.

Another vendor of fresh produce says, “When it floods, roads become slippery and the market becomes inaccessible, and we end up not working because sometimes the water rises up to the ankle level … No customer is ready to risk walking on a slippery surface, most customers opt for alternative markets, like Kibuye.”

Vendors’ beliefs around soil filling seem to be valid in terms of providing a safe work environment and customer motivation. On the other hand, vendors at the centre of the market face a dilemma, since soil filling was not affordable to them, and stalls on lower ground suffered more from the consequences of flooding than those on higher ground.

Is there cause to worry?

Ggaba Market lies on a slope, making it more prone to erosion. Merely placing soil on the ground surface without compaction means continuously refilling. Compaction work is needed to ensure that roads and pathways are firm and stable, but this practice has led to narrowed access roads, making movement in and around the market difficult.

Manda Road (which translates to “Charcoal Road”) used to provide direct access to the charcoal section of the market. But it has now narrowed to such an extent that heavy vehicles are unable to transport timber and charcoal directly to the stalls. Instead, vendors incur extra costs to pay labourers to offload and carry goods to the stalls. The narrowing of paths has also created congestion in the market and blocked emergency access routes for ambulances and fire engines, which may lead to future disasters and safety hazards.

We also discovered that vendors at the fish fillet section had collaboratively constructed a wood and timber platform over the drainage channel and the flooded areas, creating a deck designed to keep their workspace above the knee-level rising water. Debris, waste and mud eventually became trapped underneath this platform, reducing the space needed for water to flow. This adaptation – an effort to make the market safe for normal operations – would in effect seal off the market’s main drainage channel.

Survival or progress?

The issue of flooding in Ggaba Market is not merely about water, mud or makeshift piles of murram soil. It reflects a larger, structural failure that has pushed vendors to engineer temporary solutions in a space that should be safe and functional. Soil filling, wooden platforms and narrow roads are not a sign of a market trying to progress but symptoms of a market trying to survive without adequate support.

It is becoming clear that flooding in Ggaba is not only an environmental challenge but also a governance concern. Vendors have taken the initiative to fix challenges at their own expense, despite existing leadership. These innovations, however admirable, should not be the default solution to a widespread market crisis. The authorities who are mandated to manage and maintain market infrastructure need to do their part. Otherwise, Ggaba Market and its vendors will remain stuck in a cycle of recurring vulnerabilities and temporary fixes for survival.

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Header photo credit: Ggaba action research team. Market vendors undertaking a soil filling activity to rid stagnant water.

Note: This article presents the views of the authors featured and does not necessarily represent the views of the African Cities Research Consortium as a whole.

The African Cities blog is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), which means you are welcome to repost this content as long as you provide full credit and a link to this original post.

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The post Is soil filling a solution to flooding in Kampala’s Ggaba Market? first appeared on ACRC.

]]> Awareness of youth programmes in Uganda is high – so why is participation so low? https://www.african-cities.org/awareness-of-youth-programmes-in-uganda-is-high-so-why-is-participation-so-low/ Thu, 29 Jan 2026 07:00:00 +0000 https://www.african-cities.org/?p=8980 Across Uganda, awareness of government youth programmes is impressively high, but youth participation remains stubbornly low. Our recent study sought to understand why knowing about these programmes does not necessarily translate into active participation.

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By Ahimbisibwe Paul and Elisha Seddugge, researchers in ACRC Kampala’s urban youth action research project

Across Uganda, awareness of government youth programmes – such as the Parish Development Model (PDM), Emyooga and various livelihood initiatives – is impressively high. Yet youth participation remains stubbornly low.

These programmes are primarily aimed at improving young people’s skills, as well as increasing access to economic and development opportunities. Our recent study sought to understand why knowing about these programmes does not necessarily translate into active participation.

The information gap: Awareness without access

Our study findings show that the flow of information about youth development programmes is multi-layered and often indirect. Instead of reaching young people directly, information travels through multiple intermediaries – including local leaders, community agents, peers and social networks. While this structure helps to ensure cultural and community legitimacy, it also slows down the flow of accurate and timely information.

We identified two main information pathways: vertical (top-down) and horizontal (peer-to-peer). For a clear understanding of the gap, the layers can be categorised within these two pathways, as presented in the figure below.

Hierarchical information flow pathways on development programmes among youth

The vertical (top-down) pathway

Information usually starts with programme implementers – government agencies, such as the Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA) and the PDM Secretariat, and non-governmental actors like Uganda Youth Development Link (UYDEL), Tiko and religious institutions. These institutions rely heavily on local community leaders – local council youth group leaders, religious and cultural heads – to relay messages to their communities.

This approach leverages trust. Local people tend to believe their community leaders more than outsiders, as one female programme implementer explained:

“When we have outreaches, we reach out to the local and youth leaders first. They understand their people, and when they speak, the youth listen. Otherwise, if they don’t know you, they think you’re a mufere (conman).”

Community members echoed similar sentiments during focus group discussions:

“We normally get this information through our chairman or church leaders – they always tell the truth.” (Female, Katwe)

“Our youth councillor told us about the skilling programme. He came door to door looking for girls interested in tailoring, bakery and hairdressing.” (Female, Kisenyi)

While this process builds legitimacy, it also limits reach and speed. Information is often shared using megaphones, community radios or word of mouth, which are effective but time-bound and localised. By the time information reaches many young people, deadlines have often passed or details have become diluted.

As one focus group respondent put it:

“There is a lady who moves with a megaphone passing information. Whenever she does, we know it’s true – but it happens rarely.” (Female, Katwe)

The horizontal (peer-to-peer) pathway

The peer-to-peer or horizontal information flow occurs when young people share opportunities among friends, neighbours or group members. This method is fast, informal and widely trusted – especially when it happens via WhatsApp groups, phone calls and everyday interactions.

“It’s my friend who told me about the programme. We look out for each other.” (Male, Ggaba)

This pathway is powerful for spreading awareness, but less reliable for detail. Information is often incomplete, outdated or distorted by the time it circulates widely. As a result, young people may know that a programme exists, but lack the “how, when and where” needed to participate effectively.

Why awareness does not equal participation

The study concludes that the bureaucratic, multi-layered communication chain is the biggest barrier. By the time information trickles down from implementers to the grassroots, it is often late, diluted or missing key details. Youth at the “bottom” of the chain end up hearing about opportunities that have already passed.

Furthermore, structural barriers – such as political patronage, corruption, illiteracy and digital exclusion – limit equal access to credible information. The reliance on intermediaries makes it easy for gatekeeping and misinformation to thrive.

The way forward: A centralised and inclusive information platform

Both vertical and horizontal pathways are important, but they should be complemented by a centralised, transparent information platform – such as a digital or community-based ‘youth opportunities portal’. Such a platform would enable all young people, regardless of background, to directly access up-to-date information on available programmes, eligibility criteria and deadlines.

A centralised system could also minimise political interference, ensure inclusivity and build trust between implementers and young people. Only then can high awareness translate into meaningful participation – and Uganda’s youth realise their full potential as agents of sustainable development.

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Header photo credit: Zach Wear / Unsplash. Young people playing basketball in Uganda.

Note: This article presents the views of the authors featured and does not necessarily represent the views of the African Cities Research Consortium as a whole.

The African Cities blog is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), which means you are welcome to repost this content as long as you provide full credit and a link to this original post.

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The post Awareness of youth programmes in Uganda is high – so why is participation so low? first appeared on ACRC.

]]> Unravelling a complex web: Electricity subsidy experiences in Kampala’s informal settlements https://www.african-cities.org/unravelling-a-complex-web-electricity-subsidy-experiences-in-kampalas-informal-settlements/ Wed, 07 Jan 2026 07:05:00 +0000 https://www.african-cities.org/?p=8817 Electricity subsidies may seem like a straightforward solution to the challenge of supplying electricity to Kampala’s informal settlements. However, the contextual realities of the electricity supply chain paints a slightly different story.

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By Jimmy Kanonya, community researcher in ACRC Kampala’s Electricity Access Subsidy Action Research (EASAR) project

Electricity subsidies – designed to enhance access to services for underserved communities, promote equity, curb illegal connections and empower low-income households – may seem like a straightforward solution to the challenge of supplying electricity to Kampala’s informal settlements. However, the nuances of Kampala’s informal settlements and the contextual realities of the electricity supply chain paint a slightly different story.

As part of ACRC’s Electricity Access Subsidy Action Research (EASAR) project in Kampala, our team explored the electricity supply and distribution value chains in the informal settlements of Nankulabye and Kisenyi III. They encountered a series of surprises that reveal the complexity of the issue, and highlight how well-intentioned programmes can become entangled in red tape and informal networks, making change impossible to achieve.

Our research forms part of a broader effort to tackle urban energy poverty, and aims at understanding why subsidies fail to reach those in most need. We discovered that, beyond simple barriers like cost or awareness, community preferences for quick, informal solutions clash with formal processes, creating a cycle of dependency and inefficiency.

Here, we break down the key surprises and look at what they mean for residents and policymakers.

An electricity pole in Kampala

1. Kamyufu networks are more than meets the eye

“Kamyufu” might sound like local slang for a handy electrician who fixes wiring or hooks up power quickly for landlords, tenants or business owners in the informal settlements. But our findings paint a more intricate picture. Kamyufu is a sophisticated network of alternative service providers operating both vertically (from high-level suppliers to end-users) and horizontally (across community layers like neighbours and local leaders).

These networks position themselves as essential facilitators in the electricity value chain, from supply and connection to distribution and maintenance. For residents in Kisenyi and Nakulabye, turning to a Kamyufu often feels like the most viable option, as they are readily available to provide the service. Formal processes can be daunting, requiring residents to fill out subsidy applications or repair forms for faults, wait for approvals and navigate bureaucracy. In contrast, Kamyufus offer speed and accessibility at a friendly and negotiable cost. However, these fixtures are often non-standard and may pose safety risks to the Kamyufus and residents.

This setup thrives because it fills gaps in the formal electricity service delivery system. Government authorities and regulators sometimes downplay the reasons why locals prefer these informal routes, citing impatience or rule-breaking. Our research, however, shows that in complex urban environments, people prioritise reliability and urgency. For instance, a tenant might pay a Kamyufu a premium in order to avoid weeks without lighting, even if this means skirting official channels. This underscores how subsidies, while beneficial, can be undermined by embedded informal structures.

Case study | Too dark to wait: Two years without light in Nankulabye informal settlement

Aisha, a 33-year-old mother of three, has lived in Nankulabye for over a decade, surviving on casual jobs. Inspired by women in her savings group, she decided to start a small business selling cold drinks from her house.

“I imagined my kids having school supplies, maybe even saving for a proper home one day.”

She took out a loan from her local microfinance group to buy a fridge, committing to monthly repayments. 

As formal electricity connections are rare and expensive in Nankulabye, Aisha turned to the Kamyufu, who connected her quickly for a small fee.

“No paperwork, no waiting. I loaded the fridge with drinks, and sales started picking up. On good days, I’d make Ugx 50,000 in profit  – enough to cover the loan instalment and buy food for the family.”

But her business was badly impacted by the erratic illegal power supply.

“The power would go off without warning, sometimes for hours, sometimes days.”

Drinks spoiled in the heat and sales dipped. Faulty wiring also presented safety risks – “I’d hear stories of losing everything in a blaze started by bad connections” – and damaged her fridge compressor, leading to costly repairs.

At a community meeting, Aisha learned about the OBA scheme, a government initiative to provide affordable, legal connections to households.

“They talked about how it could transform small businesses like mine.”

She gathered the required documents: her national ID, proof of residence and a wiring certificate, paid the inspection fee and submitted her application through the Umeme (now UEDCL) office.

“I thought, finally, stable power! My fridge would run all day, sales would boom, and I’d pay off the loan faster.”

Officials assured her the process would take weeks, maybe months at most. 

Two years later, despite following up countless times – visiting offices, calling hotlines, enlisting help from local leaders – she has no connection and no clear explanation.

“Sometimes they say ‘it’s in process’ or ‘wait for the next batch’, but nothing happens. I do not even know why. Is it funding? Corruption? Overloaded systems? No one tells me.”

Without reliable power, Aisha’s business has ground to a halt.

She has managed to earn enough from odd jobs to pay off the fridge loan. But the victory feels hollow.

“I scrimped and saved, sometimes skipping meals … That fridge was supposed to lift us up – better nutrition for the kids, more money for school fees, maybe even expanding the shop. Now it is just taking up space. If they can’t connect us after two years, what’s the point of applying?”

Nevertheless, she says, “If the connection comes tomorrow, I’d start again”.

2. Subsidised connections and the barriers of complexity

Electricity subsidies are publicised as gamechangers: reducing illegal connections, lowering costs and boosting socioeconomic opportunities. In theory, they help households afford legal, safe power, enabling everything from running small businesses to studying after dark. Yet, our study revealed that accessing these subsidies is often a labyrinthine process.

In some parts of Kisenyi and Nakulabye, an entire community missed out on subsidies, due to powerbroker networks. Brokers position themselves as “helpers”, charging unofficial fees to “expedite” applications or connections, and often colluding with official utility installers. What starts as a free or low-cost government programme ends up burdened by hidden costs, eroding trust and participation. Residents shared stories of endless paperwork, unclear requirements, and delays that push them back into informal connection.

This complexity is not just frustrating – it is a barrier to equity. Low-income households, already stretched thin, find the formal path too convoluted, leading them to opt for Kamyufus, despite the risks. Our findings highlight a need to simplify processes – clearer guidelines, community-led outreach and safeguards against exploitation could make subsidies truly accessible.

A community co-design session

What this means for Kampala’s urban landscape

These insights illustrate the existential complexity of urban informal settlements, with interconnected issues of governance, economics and social dynamics that defy simple fixes. Government actors often focus on the supply side – building infrastructure and rolling out subsidies. But without addressing the horizontal (community networks) and vertical (institutional layers) complexities, these efforts fall short.

For residents, informal connections might provide quick power, but they come with the risk of fire, electrocution and unstable supply – as alluded to by respondents during the action research (see case study above). Subsidies could break this cycle, but only if they are disentangled from broker networks.

A holistic, collaboratively produced approach is needed, which engages communities in design, regulates informal actors and streamlines distribution to ensure subsidies reach those targeted.

Overall, these findings point towards the need for adaptive strategies. Policymakers could pilot community-vetted application processes or integrate regulated Kamyufu roles to harness their networks positively. For community agency, awareness campaigns are key to demystifying subsidies, in order to provide broader choices for the residents.

> Read more about Kamyufus and community perceptions of them in Kampala’s informal settlements

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Photo credits: ACTogether Uganda

Note: This article presents the views of the authors featured and does not necessarily represent the views of the African Cities Research Consortium as a whole.

Declaration on use of generative AI: Grok 4 (xAI), accessed via grok.com between October–November 2025, was used to assist with structuring ideas, suggesting phrasing and light editing. All findings, fieldwork data, quotations, and conclusions are the author’s own. The final text was reviewed and approved by the author.

The African Cities blog is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), which means you are welcome to repost this content as long as you provide full credit and a link to this original post.

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The post Unravelling a complex web: Electricity subsidy experiences in Kampala’s informal settlements first appeared on ACRC.

]]> Mapping electricity access in Kampala’s informal settlements: Kamyufus, subsidies and community perceptions https://www.african-cities.org/mapping-electricity-access-in-kampalas-informal-settlements-kamyufus-subsidies-and-community-perceptions/ Wed, 07 Jan 2026 07:00:00 +0000 https://www.african-cities.org/?p=8804 Through our research into the electricity supply and distribution value chains in Kampala’s informal settlements, we are trying to learn more about why electricity subsidies fail to reach those in most need – and the alternatives that residents turn to, in order to gain access to power.

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By Jimmy Kanonya, community researcher in ACRC Kampala’s Electricity Access Subsidy Action Research (EASAR) project

Informal settlements in Kampala are home to approximately 60% of 2.3 million residents. Despite numerous interventions, access to electricity remains a critical challenge in these settlements. Electricity outages disrupt security and livelihoods. Many inhabitants face barriers to formal electricity connection, leading to widespread reliance on illegal alternatives.

A 2022 report revealed that a significant number of informal settlement residents are participating in unauthorised electricity connections. This practice not only leads to substantial financial losses for service providers but also diminishes government revenues and poses serious risks to the safety and wellbeing of users.

Through our research into the electricity supply and distribution value chains in Kampala’s informal settlements, we are trying to learn more about why electricity subsidies fail to reach those in most need – and the alternatives that residents turn to, in order to gain access to power.

Transmission lines and poles in Kampala

Communities’ experiences with electricity in Kampala

Many residents expressed varying experiences and frustrations when it came to electricity connectivity. Many reported inheriting connections from previous eras, such as during Uganda Electricity Board’s (UEB’s) tenure, only to face disruptions with subsequent providers.

According to some community members, applications for formal connections through Umeme – now Uganda Electricity Distribution Company Limited (UEDCL) – can take months or even years to process, leaving residents without timely access to much-needed power. Along with frequent delays to connection processes, exorbitant costs and discrepancies in unit (tariff) allocations continue to exacerbate electricity access among households.

Besides these challenges, some community members do appreciate progress being made with electricity access, including the installation of prepaid “Yaka” meters, which enhance users’ control of the power.

As residents navigate the complexities of accessing electricity in Kampala’s settlements, some inevitably turn to Kamyufus as an integral alternative service provider.

Besides these challenges, some community members do appreciate progress being made with electricity access, including the installation of prepaid “Yaka” meters, which enhance users’ control of the power.

As residents navigate the complexities of accessing electricity in Kampala’s settlements, some inevitably turn to Kamyufus as an integral alternative service provider.

Kamyufus and their role in electricity access

The term “Kamyufu” refers to a network of informal electricians or illegal connectors who facilitate unauthorised access to electricity. Kamyufus acquire electrical skills through practical experience, such as observing licensed technicians or experience working in the electricity sector. In some cases, they are former employees of utility companies, who were either laid off or have transitioned to independent practice.

Kamyufus are integral to the ecosystem of illegal electricity access in informal settlements. While often labelled as criminals, they are tolerated, protected by the community and even sought after by residents because they address electricity service provision gaps such as delays in electricity connections.

Community perceptions on Kamyufus: Benefactors or opportunists?

Communities hold divergent views on Kamyufus. On one hand, they are criticised for engaging in rentseeking behaviours – withholding information and exploiting vulnerable residents. Their clandestine methods typically involve tapping into existing legal electricity lines or creating makeshift connections without proper authorisation.

However, Kamyufus have undeniably filled a service gap, bridging electricity access to households overlooked by formal systems. Some community members view them as community-embedded helpers, while others suspect collusion with formal entities. This duality underscores the complex socioeconomic dynamics in service provision and access in informal settlements, where necessity often overrides legality.

Challenges and risks associated with illegal connections

The involvement of Kamyufus introduces significant risks. A lack of formal training and oversight means that improper installations have led to property damage, fires caused by poor wiring and even fatalities. Wires are frequently routed unsafely under houses or through trenches, exacerbating electrocution and fire hazards.

In the event of an accident, affected residents often find themselves without recourse through official channels. Due to the undocumented and illegal nature of their electricity connections, reporting incidents could lead to negative consequences. As a result, the cases are swiftly and inconspicuously neutralised. These challenges not only put lives at risk but also create a continuous cycle of inefficiency and loss, for both communities and utilities.

Household connecting wires

Why do communities continue to rely on Kamyufus?

Despite the evident dangers, residents turn to Kamyufus for several reasons. Foremost is affordability – the official costs of formal connections, specifically those without a subsidy element, are prohibitive for many low-income households. Even when subsidy programmes are available, they are often short-lived, limited in scope or hampered by bureaucratic hurdles. Local leaders and those involved in the rollout of subsidy initiatives frequently introduce additional indirect costs, further complicating access.

Efficiency is another driving factor. Kamyufus offer rapid solutions, often completing connections in hours or days, rather than years, which outweighs the perceived risks for those in urgent need.

Information deficits

A pervasive issue exacerbating these challenges is the lack of public awareness about formal electricity access programmes. During transect walks, surveys and focus group discussions in these settlements, it became evident that information dissemination was inadequate. If there were posters or informational displays, they were rarely visible, even in areas where electricity access programmes are active.

According to community members, communication is primarily received via media outlets, which have limited reach, or local leaders, who may lack the education or sensitisation to effectively interpret and relay details. Many residents struggle to explain the origins, purposes or even names of ongoing initiatives, hindering word-of-mouth dissemination. This knowledge gap perpetuates reliance on informal alternatives and undermines electricity programme effectiveness.

A focus group discussion with community members

Electricity subsidy programmes bridging access

Limited awareness about government subsidy initiatives, such as the Electricity Access Scale-Up Project (EASP) and the Wetereze campaign, in areas of implementation hamper access. Often, information disseminated was mixed up, while there were also reports of extortion, exclusion and a limited scope of impact.

In Nakulabye Parish, located in the Lubaga Division of Kampala, some subsidy programmes have seen varying degrees of success. A particularly noteworthy initiative is the Pamoja programme, perceived as an awareness campaign. This programme effectively engaged community leaders in its implementation and facilitated the generation of reports that are widely believed to have inspired the development of subsequent initiatives, such as Yaka and Government Egabudde (government electricity connection).

The Pamoja and Ready Board programme provided free meters, bulbs and electricity poles, with most recipients reporting that these items were indeed provided at no cost. Despite its success, many community members were excluded, due to the programme’s limited scope and time constraints of waiting three to four months for installation.

A lack of clear understanding around the operations of subsidy programmes has limited access and allowed for manipulation. For instance, the government’s Egabudde initiative, often referred to as a “President’s Programme” under Umeme, aimed to provide free connections and meters. However, the programme was plagued by allegations of corruption.

Recommendations for improvement

The mapping exercise revealed a network of key actors in electricity access: residents approach Kamyufus for immediacy, landlords for tenancy-related issues, and politicians for advocacy. Formal offices like Umeme (now UEDCL) are seen as distant and unresponsive, leading to reliance on informal networks.

While Kamyufus provide a pragmatic workaround in the face of systemic failures, their role highlights deeper frustrations with formal processes, subsidies and information gaps. Community members’ aspirations for fairer access through expanded subsidies, zone-based interventions and collaboration with landlords need to be taken into consideration. Subsequently, sustainable solutions in electricity provision must focus on streamlining applications, expanding subsidies and bridging awareness divides to foster inclusive development in Kampala’s informal settlements.

To address these issues, the government and relevant stakeholders should prioritise enhanced awareness campaigns. This could include widespread use of community posters, simplified information materials, and training for local leaders to better understand and communicate about programmes. Revising outreach strategies to ensure clarity and accessibility would empower residents, reduce dependence on Kamyufus and promote safer, more equitable electricity access.

> Read more about electricity subsidy experiences in Kampala’s informal settlements

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Photo credits: ACTogether Uganda

Note: This article presents the views of the authors featured and does not necessarily represent the views of the African Cities Research Consortium as a whole.

Declaration on use of generative AI: Grok 4 (xAI), accessed via grok.com between October–November 2025, was used to assist with structuring ideas, suggesting phrasing and light editing. All findings, fieldwork data, quotations, and conclusions are the author’s own. The final text was reviewed and approved by the author.

The African Cities blog is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), which means you are welcome to repost this content as long as you provide full credit and a link to this original post.

Creative Commons License

The post Mapping electricity access in Kampala’s informal settlements: Kamyufus, subsidies and community perceptions first appeared on ACRC.

]]> New research: How political and urban systems shape access to healthy diets in Kampala’s informal settlements https://www.african-cities.org/new-research-how-political-and-urban-systems-shape-access-to-healthy-diets-in-kampalas-informal-settlements/ Tue, 02 Dec 2025 07:00:00 +0000 https://www.african-cities.org/?p=8656 A new ACRC working paper explores the challenges that informal settlement residents in Kampala face in accessing healthy food, the political and systemic issues underpinning these, and potential ways to improve health, wellbeing and nutrition in the city.

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More than 60% of Kampala’s 2.3 million residents reside in informal settlements. Despite the city being food-abundant, communities living in these neighbourhoods face significant barriers to accessing nutritious diets, due to economic hardship, weak governance and inadequate service delivery.

A new ACRC working paper by Gloria Seruwagi, Henry Bazira, Maria Ssematiko, Jacqueline Kobusingye, Dorcus Kabahinda and Catherine Nakidde explores the challenges that informal settlement residents face in accessing healthy food, the political and systemic issues underpinning these, and potential ways to improve health, wellbeing and nutrition in the city.

Along with healthy and nutritious food, people living in Kampala’s informal settlements also face difficulties accessing essential services like healthcare and safe water. Exacerbating this is predatory advertising for food and beverages, which pushes processed and unhealthy options that many perceive as cheaper than nutritious food.

Key findings from the team’s research in the city show that:

> Informal food traders are vital for food access and availability. But they operate in an environment marked by high taxes, corruption and licensing constraints, which contributes to elevated food prices and forces many residents to rely on cheaper, unhealthier options.

> Nutrition literacy is low among residents of informal settlements, who often prioritise basic needs like housing or healthcare over dietary quality.

> Investment in disease prevention is very low and 98% of Kampala’s health facilities are privately owned. This leaves most low-income residents with expensive, curative-focused options and little exposure to preventive care or nutritional education.

> Sanitation and waste management systems are largely dysfunctional and inadequate, and also suffer from political interference. Reliable garbage collection is lacking in many informal settlements, leading to increased risk of disease outbreaks.

> Governance challenges are central, with resource allocation shaped by political interests. This delays critical policies dedicated to improving access to healthy diets, such as the Food and Nutrition Security Bill, with other more politically driven programmes overshadowing nutrition-focused initiatives.

> Non-state actors, including CSOs, development partners and the private sector, play key roles in filling service gaps. But their efforts are often fragmented and dependent on donors, which limits greater uptake and sustainability.

The authors highlight that the challenges residents of Kampala’s informal settlements face in accessing healthy diets largely stem from the limited affordability of nutritious food, due to high costs and political interference. Weak regulatory systems have enabled unhealthy, processed foods to proliferate in the city, especially as these are marketed to vulnerable groups. Meanwhile, low nutritional literacy prevents residents from understanding the vital role that healthy diets play in preventive healthcare and productivity.

Improving health, wellbeing and nutrition outcomes in Kampala’s informal settlements will require collaborative and holistic urban reform efforts. The authors argue that enhancing regulation, policy implementation and economic opportunities is critical, while more investment in community-driven initiatives, better urban planning and equitable service delivery will help transform the lives of millions living in Kampala’s most vulnerable neighbourhoods.

Read the full report

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Header photo credit: Solomon Anomet / Pexels (via Canva Pro). Street vendor carrying bananas in Kampala, Uganda.

Note: This article presents the views of the authors featured and does not necessarily represent the views of the African Cities Research Consortium as a whole.

The African Cities blog is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), which means you are welcome to repost this content as long as you provide full credit and a link to this original post.

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The post New research: How political and urban systems shape access to healthy diets in Kampala’s informal settlements first appeared on ACRC.

]]> Resilient urban markets: Surprises from Ggaba Market fieldwork in Kampala https://www.african-cities.org/resilient-urban-markets-surprises-from-ggaba-market-fieldwork-in-kampala/ Wed, 01 Oct 2025 07:00:00 +0000 https://www.african-cities.org/?p=8269 The Kampala action research project on inclusive markets and resilient communities in Ggaba Market seeks to tackle the interlinked issues of flooding, waste management and sanitation in urban markets.

The post Resilient urban markets: Surprises from Ggaba Market fieldwork in Kampala first appeared on ACRC.

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By Teddy Kisembo (in-city urban development lead), and reflections from Ggaba action research team

Ggaba Market is located in Ggaba parish, in Makindye division, along the shoreline of Lake Victoria. The market hosts over 500 vendors purveying fresh and cooked food fish, non-farm merchandise shops and clinics. It faces flooding during the rainy season despite having a drainage system in place (spanning 571.5 metres).

Market vendors generate about 50 tons of waste per day, which, if left uncollected, poses health hazards for the community within the market and contaminates both the lake and underground water.

The Kampala action research project on inclusive markets and resilient communities in Ggaba Market seeks to tackle the interlinked issues of flooding, waste management and sanitation in urban markets.

The initial fieldwork that engaged the market community revealed a number of unexpected and nuanced realities. These surprises are reshaping the initiative’s approach and emphasising the need for contextualised and adaptive solutions.

The following were the main surprises and learnings from the ongoing exploratory study by the Ggaba action research team:

1. The land where the market currently stands is a reclaimed wetland, which historically served as a natural flood buffer for Lake Victoria. The market’s location within the lake’s buffer zone leads to questions around how settlements develop and grow, despite existing planning regulations. This highlights tensions between city plans and environmental regulations in Uganda and the realities of the informal economy and informal settlements, where pressures of the informal economy and the need for livelihoods often override city plans.

Urban planning and informal economy conflict

2. The presence of multiple underground springs compounds the complexity of the flooding challenge in Ggaba market. Its location at the lake shores and in a low-lying area leads to flooding, due to seasonal heavy rains and backflows of lake water, which are then amplified by poor and clogged drains.

The presence of underground springs adds an extra challenge for designing potential drainage solutions, as any effective intervention must consider the constant flow of underground spring water, so that standard infrastructure solutions may be insufficient. This surprise highlights the need for adaptive and context-specific infrastructure that takes into account the constant flow of underground spring water and lake backflows.

Underground spring

3. Market vendors directly use the unsafe lake water for various food preparation purposes. Despite being located near the National Water and Sewerage Corporation, Ggaba Market has no affordable safe water source for vendors. The practice of “okugatiriza wo amakyafu” – using unsafe water to complement the available safe water for food preparation and cleaning produce – is therefore widespread and poses a hygiene risk. The team also suspected that fish vendors use unsafe water to clean fish, which could be an additional health hazard. This is a direct consequence of the gap in provision of affordable safe water, forcing the market community to complement with a contaminated source.

4. Public toilets at the market are not accessible at night. Public toilets are key sanitation facilities for the community – serving not only market vendors and customers, but also the wider catchment and residential area. While most toilets within the markets are accessible at a cost, their accessibility is a challenge. The operating hours (6:00am to around 10:00pm) do not accommodate the needs of vendors who often work until midnight. There is also increased demand for the facilities on days when events such as Friday prayers and market days take place. We also found that there are people who live in the market and need access to toilets. As a result, some have resorted to open defecation, dumping human waste in the garbage or in drainage channels or on top of houses.

A public toilet in the market

This mismatch between service hours and community needs shows a disconnect between the service providers (for the toilets) and the users, rendering a crucial facility inaccessible for many. This presented an ethnographic opportunity to better understand the evolving patterns of use as well as the social dynamics and negotiations that shape access to the public toilets.

5. Waste is dumped in the lake. Despite waste collection services being available in the market, some fishermen dump their waste directly into the lake, away from the shore. This prompted the team to further probe the efficiency of the current waste collection system and whether it leaves a gap that necessitates the observed behaviour. The usage of the lake as a waste dumping site poses both an ecological concern and stands as an example of both the creativity and the limits of systems in managing urban resilience, indicating an overwhelmed or inadequate formal waste management system.

6. Buyers’ preference for locally available fish, despite the poor state of the market environment, was a positive surprise. This helps vendors maintain strong demand and livelihoods, despite environmental challenges. It also provides a potential entry point for interventions into the resilience of the fish value chain and waste-to-resource innovations.

7. Proposal for developing Lake Victoria’s lakefront areas to ensure public access and restore shores. Being a lakeside market, Ggaba is likely to be affected by plans for lakeside development, as part of broader urban planning and infrastructure upgrades under the Greater Kampala Metropolitan Area Urban Development Program. While proposals cite improved infrastructure and restored lake shores, Ggaba Market vendors face risks to their livelihoods if redevelopment displaces or disrupts their activities, posing broader social, economic and environmental challenges. This highlights interlinked dynamics where environmental restoration, governance decision and economic survival have to be balanced within inclusive urban development.

8. There is a visible disconnect between market vendors and market leadership, stemming from what vendors described as poor governance. This dysfunction made data collection difficult, as most vendors dislike and disrespect the market leaders, due to the poor leadership. The vendors were therefore largely unwilling to engage with the research team in the presence of certain leaders. However, they became markedly more forthcoming and participative once those leaders were no longer in the vicinity, indicating that internal governance is a primary obstacle to collective action and external interventions.

Clogged drainage channel

What do these surprises reveal about urban development issues?

The insights from this fieldwork reflect an interplay between environmental vulnerabilities, systemic gaps in urban services and community dynamics. These highlight critical connections and disconnections within urban development systems, revealing tensions between systems and the realities of informality. These surprises can be deeply understood through the ACRC conceptual framework, that allows an integrated analysis of the interplay between the underlying political settlement, interconnected city of systems and contested urban development domains that define Ggaba Market realities.

Examples of hybrid engagement do exist – for example, where KCCA provides intermittent services like waste collection twice a week and works with market leaders to profile vendors. This shows that KCCA is making efforts to negotiate with local leaders to maintain stability and deliver services, although significant improvements are needed.

The disconnect and mistrust between vendors and the market leadership draws attention to a fractured market-level power balance. This internal dysfunction hinders collective action and the success of interventions, as vendors are unwilling to engage when certain leaders are present.

Governance issues in Ggaba Market

Tackling compound challenges

The issues in Ggaba are not isolated, but are indicators of multiple, poorly integrated and failing systems, whose dysfunctional interactions create cascading hazards.

Flooding in the market is not just a result of the market’s location at the lake buffer and the backflow of the lake, but rather a failure of multiple systems interacting negatively. The drainage system is poor and clogged by a failing waste management system. The presence of underground springs introduces a hydrogeological reality for which the engineered systems are not designed, highlighting the need for adaptive infrastructure rather than standard solutions.

Market flooding is a systemic issue

The water system’s failure to provide affordable water has forced the community into a coping mechanism of using contaminated lake water for cleaning produce and utensils (“okugatiriza wo amakyafu”). This links the failure of an infrastructure system to acute risks within the food distribution and health systems, creating a public health hazard.

Public health hazard from water system failure

The public toilets, which are part of the sanitation system, cannot keep up with the pace of the market’s economy. Their limited operating hours exclude vendors who work late, demonstrating a system that is not integrated with the social and economic systems it is meant to support.

Disconnected public toilets undermine market economy

Mapping lessons across domains

The surprises from Ggaba Market play out across several overlapping urban development domains:

> In the context of the informal settlements domain, the market is characterised by inadequate services and self-organisation. The reliance on the lake for both livelihoods (fishing) and waste disposal demonstrates the complex and often contradictory practices that emerge in this domain.

The complex dynamics of informal settlements

> The use of unsafe water places the market’s activities within the health, wellbeing and nutrition domain. Any intervention aimed at improving livelihoods must also address the health risks embedded in daily practices, requiring the integration of public health, water and food safety solutions.

> The proposed waterfront development pushes the market into the land and connectivity domain. The plan introduces city and national-level actors, whose vision for a modernised waterfront may conflict with the existing market. This highlights the need for proactive engagement to ensure the market community is not excluded from future development.

Reframing the initial fieldwork surprises through the ACRC framework helps create a more profound understanding of the issues facing Ggaba Market. These are not simply technical problems, but are embedded in the political settlement, the fragmented nature of service delivery systems and contested domains of urban development. This is key for developing the political and systemic interventions necessary for building market resilience.

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Photo credits: Ggaba action research team

Note: This article presents the views of the authors featured and does not necessarily represent the views of the African Cities Research Consortium as a whole.

The African Cities blog is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), which means you are welcome to repost this content as long as you provide full credit and a link to this original post.

Creative Commons License

The post Resilient urban markets: Surprises from Ggaba Market fieldwork in Kampala first appeared on ACRC.

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