Kampala - ACRC

Is soil filling a solution to flooding in Kampala’s Ggaba Market?

Hannah — Thu, 26 Mar 2026 07:00:00 +0000

By Vivian Halerah Kangole, Nambi Inviolah, Nalubulwa Sumaiya and Nakigudde Saidat

Ggaba Market, located on the shores of Lake Victoria in Makindye Division, Kampala, is one of the city’s most lucrative markets for fish, fresh produce and basic essentials. For years, the market has battled with seasonal flooding, most significantly in 2021. Several factors – such as the rise in Lake Victoria water levels, underground springs, runoff water due to heavy rains and blocked drainage channels – were linked to flooding.

The blocked drainage creates small lagoons of water within the market, causing vendors to shift to alternative spaces. A young female vendor who had a well-established silver-fish (mukene) stall in the middle of the market was forced to move. She said, “The flood destroyed my stall, and I now have no permanent stall to work from. I must wake up early and find space on the ground to lay my foodstuffs and start working.”

What is soil filling?

Walking around the market, piles of small and big murram soils – a mixture of gravel, sand and clay – are evident. These are a temporary solution, commonly known as “soil filling”, to address the mini-flooding across the market. Vendors who operate along the market pathways mobilise each other to purchase murram soil, in order to cover the waterlogged surfaces to ease access to the market. As a result, vendors believe raising the ground surface level will prevent flooding.

But is soil filling a solution to flooding or just a temporary bandage, potentially leading to a worse situation?

How reliable and effective is soil filling?

In the context of Ggaba Market, soil filling has offered temporary relief from stagnant water. It has created a clean, levelled ground to work on and made navigation easier for customers and vendors.

Another vendor of fresh produce says, “When it floods, roads become slippery and the market becomes inaccessible, and we end up not working because sometimes the water rises up to the ankle level … No customer is ready to risk walking on a slippery surface, most customers opt for alternative markets, like Kibuye.”

Vendors’ beliefs around soil filling seem to be valid in terms of providing a safe work environment and customer motivation. On the other hand, vendors at the centre of the market face a dilemma, since soil filling was not affordable to them, and stalls on lower ground suffered more from the consequences of flooding than those on higher ground.

Is there cause to worry?

Ggaba Market lies on a slope, making it more prone to erosion. Merely placing soil on the ground surface without compaction means continuously refilling. Compaction work is needed to ensure that roads and pathways are firm and stable, but this practice has led to narrowed access roads, making movement in and around the market difficult.

Manda Road (which translates to “Charcoal Road”) used to provide direct access to the charcoal section of the market. But it has now narrowed to such an extent that heavy vehicles are unable to transport timber and charcoal directly to the stalls. Instead, vendors incur extra costs to pay labourers to offload and carry goods to the stalls. The narrowing of paths has also created congestion in the market and blocked emergency access routes for ambulances and fire engines, which may lead to future disasters and safety hazards.

We also discovered that vendors at the fish fillet section had collaboratively constructed a wood and timber platform over the drainage channel and the flooded areas, creating a deck designed to keep their workspace above the knee-level rising water. Debris, waste and mud eventually became trapped underneath this platform, reducing the space needed for water to flow. This adaptation – an effort to make the market safe for normal operations – would in effect seal off the market’s main drainage channel.

Survival or progress?

The issue of flooding in Ggaba Market is not merely about water, mud or makeshift piles of murram soil. It reflects a larger, structural failure that has pushed vendors to engineer temporary solutions in a space that should be safe and functional. Soil filling, wooden platforms and narrow roads are not a sign of a market trying to progress but symptoms of a market trying to survive without adequate support.

It is becoming clear that flooding in Ggaba is not only an environmental challenge but also a governance concern. Vendors have taken the initiative to fix challenges at their own expense, despite existing leadership. These innovations, however admirable, should not be the default solution to a widespread market crisis. The authorities who are mandated to manage and maintain market infrastructure need to do their part. Otherwise, Ggaba Market and its vendors will remain stuck in a cycle of recurring vulnerabilities and temporary fixes for survival.

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Awareness of youth programmes in Uganda is high – so why is participation so low?

Hannah — Thu, 29 Jan 2026 07:00:00 +0000

By Ahimbisibwe Paul and Elisha Seddugge, researchers in ACRC Kampala’s urban youth action research project

Across Uganda, awareness of government youth programmes – such as the Parish Development Model (PDM), Emyooga and various livelihood initiatives – is impressively high. Yet youth participation remains stubbornly low.

These programmes are primarily aimed at improving young people’s skills, as well as increasing access to economic and development opportunities. Our recent study sought to understand why knowing about these programmes does not necessarily translate into active participation.

The information gap: Awareness without access

Our study findings show that the flow of information about youth development programmes is multi-layered and often indirect. Instead of reaching young people directly, information travels through multiple intermediaries – including local leaders, community agents, peers and social networks. While this structure helps to ensure cultural and community legitimacy, it also slows down the flow of accurate and timely information.

We identified two main information pathways: vertical (top-down) and horizontal (peer-to-peer). For a clear understanding of the gap, the layers can be categorised within these two pathways, as presented in the figure below.

Hierarchical information flow pathways on development programmes among youth

The vertical (top-down) pathway

Information usually starts with programme implementers – government agencies, such as the Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA) and the PDM Secretariat, and non-governmental actors like Uganda Youth Development Link (UYDEL), Tiko and religious institutions. These institutions rely heavily on local community leaders – local council youth group leaders, religious and cultural heads – to relay messages to their communities.

This approach leverages trust. Local people tend to believe their community leaders more than outsiders, as one female programme implementer explained:

“When we have outreaches, we reach out to the local and youth leaders first. They understand their people, and when they speak, the youth listen. Otherwise, if they don’t know you, they think you’re a mufere (conman).”

Community members echoed similar sentiments during focus group discussions:

“We normally get this information through our chairman or church leaders – they always tell the truth.” (Female, Katwe)

“Our youth councillor told us about the skilling programme. He came door to door looking for girls interested in tailoring, bakery and hairdressing.” (Female, Kisenyi)

While this process builds legitimacy, it also limits reach and speed. Information is often shared using megaphones, community radios or word of mouth, which are effective but time-bound and localised. By the time information reaches many young people, deadlines have often passed or details have become diluted.

As one focus group respondent put it:

“There is a lady who moves with a megaphone passing information. Whenever she does, we know it’s true – but it happens rarely.” (Female, Katwe)

The horizontal (peer-to-peer) pathway

The peer-to-peer or horizontal information flow occurs when young people share opportunities among friends, neighbours or group members. This method is fast, informal and widely trusted – especially when it happens via WhatsApp groups, phone calls and everyday interactions.

“It’s my friend who told me about the programme. We look out for each other.” (Male, Ggaba)

This pathway is powerful for spreading awareness, but less reliable for detail. Information is often incomplete, outdated or distorted by the time it circulates widely. As a result, young people may know that a programme exists, but lack the “how, when and where” needed to participate effectively.

Why awareness does not equal participation

The study concludes that the bureaucratic, multi-layered communication chain is the biggest barrier. By the time information trickles down from implementers to the grassroots, it is often late, diluted or missing key details. Youth at the “bottom” of the chain end up hearing about opportunities that have already passed.

Furthermore, structural barriers – such as political patronage, corruption, illiteracy and digital exclusion – limit equal access to credible information. The reliance on intermediaries makes it easy for gatekeeping and misinformation to thrive.

The way forward: A centralised and inclusive information platform

Both vertical and horizontal pathways are important, but they should be complemented by a centralised, transparent information platform – such as a digital or community-based ‘youth opportunities portal’. Such a platform would enable all young people, regardless of background, to directly access up-to-date information on available programmes, eligibility criteria and deadlines.

A centralised system could also minimise political interference, ensure inclusivity and build trust between implementers and young people. Only then can high awareness translate into meaningful participation – and Uganda’s youth realise their full potential as agents of sustainable development.

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Unravelling a complex web: Electricity subsidy experiences in Kampala’s informal settlements

Hannah — Wed, 07 Jan 2026 07:05:00 +0000

By Jimmy Kanonya, community researcher in ACRC Kampala’s Electricity Access Subsidy Action Research (EASAR) project

Electricity subsidies – designed to enhance access to services for underserved communities, promote equity, curb illegal connections and empower low-income households – may seem like a straightforward solution to the challenge of supplying electricity to Kampala’s informal settlements. However, the nuances of Kampala’s informal settlements and the contextual realities of the electricity supply chain paint a slightly different story.

As part of ACRC’s Electricity Access Subsidy Action Research (EASAR) project in Kampala, our team explored the electricity supply and distribution value chains in the informal settlements of Nankulabye and Kisenyi III. They encountered a series of surprises that reveal the complexity of the issue, and highlight how well-intentioned programmes can become entangled in red tape and informal networks, making change impossible to achieve.

Our research forms part of a broader effort to tackle urban energy poverty, and aims at understanding why subsidies fail to reach those in most need. We discovered that, beyond simple barriers like cost or awareness, community preferences for quick, informal solutions clash with formal processes, creating a cycle of dependency and inefficiency.

Here, we break down the key surprises and look at what they mean for residents and policymakers.

An electricity pole in Kampala

**1. Kamyufu networks are more than meets the eye**

“Kamyufu” might sound like local slang for a handy electrician who fixes wiring or hooks up power quickly for landlords, tenants or business owners in the informal settlements. But our findings paint a more intricate picture. Kamyufu is a sophisticated network of alternative service providers operating both vertically (from high-level suppliers to end-users) and horizontally (across community layers like neighbours and local leaders).

These networks position themselves as essential facilitators in the electricity value chain, from supply and connection to distribution and maintenance. For residents in Kisenyi and Nakulabye, turning to a Kamyufu often feels like the most viable option, as they are readily available to provide the service. Formal processes can be daunting, requiring residents to fill out subsidy applications or repair forms for faults, wait for approvals and navigate bureaucracy. In contrast, Kamyufus offer speed and accessibility at a friendly and negotiable cost. However, these fixtures are often non-standard and may pose safety risks to the Kamyufus and residents.

This setup thrives because it fills gaps in the formal electricity service delivery system. Government authorities and regulators sometimes downplay the reasons why locals prefer these informal routes, citing impatience or rule-breaking. Our research, however, shows that in complex urban environments, people prioritise reliability and urgency. For instance, a tenant might pay a Kamyufu a premium in order to avoid weeks without lighting, even if this means skirting official channels. This underscores how subsidies, while beneficial, can be undermined by embedded informal structures.

Case study | Too dark to wait: Two years without light in Nankulabye informal settlement

Aisha, a 33-year-old mother of three, has lived in Nankulabye for over a decade, surviving on casual jobs. Inspired by women in her savings group, she decided to start a small business selling cold drinks from her house.

“I imagined my kids having school supplies, maybe even saving for a proper home one day.”

She took out a loan from her local microfinance group to buy a fridge, committing to monthly repayments.

As formal electricity connections are rare and expensive in Nankulabye, Aisha turned to the Kamyufu, who connected her quickly for a small fee.

“No paperwork, no waiting. I loaded the fridge with drinks, and sales started picking up. On good days, I’d make Ugx 50,000 in profit – enough to cover the loan instalment and buy food for the family.”

But her business was badly impacted by the erratic illegal power supply.

“The power would go off without warning, sometimes for hours, sometimes days.”

Drinks spoiled in the heat and sales dipped. Faulty wiring also presented safety risks – “I’d hear stories of losing everything in a blaze started by bad connections” – and damaged her fridge compressor, leading to costly repairs.

At a community meeting, Aisha learned about the OBA scheme, a government initiative to provide affordable, legal connections to households.

“They talked about how it could transform small businesses like mine.”

She gathered the required documents: her national ID, proof of residence and a wiring certificate, paid the inspection fee and submitted her application through the Umeme (now UEDCL) office.

“I thought, finally, stable power! My fridge would run all day, sales would boom, and I’d pay off the loan faster.”

Officials assured her the process would take weeks, maybe months at most.

Two years later, despite following up countless times – visiting offices, calling hotlines, enlisting help from local leaders – she has no connection and no clear explanation.

“Sometimes they say ‘it’s in process’ or ‘wait for the next batch’, but nothing happens. I do not even know why. Is it funding? Corruption? Overloaded systems? No one tells me.”

Without reliable power, Aisha’s business has ground to a halt.

She has managed to earn enough from odd jobs to pay off the fridge loan. But the victory feels hollow.

“I scrimped and saved, sometimes skipping meals … That fridge was supposed to lift us up – better nutrition for the kids, more money for school fees, maybe even expanding the shop. Now it is just taking up space. If they can’t connect us after two years, what’s the point of applying?”

Nevertheless, she says, “If the connection comes tomorrow, I’d start again”.

2. Subsidised connections and the barriers of complexity

Electricity subsidies are publicised as gamechangers: reducing illegal connections, lowering costs and boosting socioeconomic opportunities. In theory, they help households afford legal, safe power, enabling everything from running small businesses to studying after dark. Yet, our study revealed that accessing these subsidies is often a labyrinthine process.

In some parts of Kisenyi and Nakulabye, an entire community missed out on subsidies, due to powerbroker networks. Brokers position themselves as “helpers”, charging unofficial fees to “expedite” applications or connections, and often colluding with official utility installers. What starts as a free or low-cost government programme ends up burdened by hidden costs, eroding trust and participation. Residents shared stories of endless paperwork, unclear requirements, and delays that push them back into informal connection.

This complexity is not just frustrating – it is a barrier to equity. Low-income households, already stretched thin, find the formal path too convoluted, leading them to opt for Kamyufus, despite the risks. Our findings highlight a need to simplify processes – clearer guidelines, community-led outreach and safeguards against exploitation could make subsidies truly accessible.

A community co-design session

What this means for Kampala’s urban landscape

These insights illustrate the existential complexity of urban informal settlements, with interconnected issues of governance, economics and social dynamics that defy simple fixes. Government actors often focus on the supply side – building infrastructure and rolling out subsidies. But without addressing the horizontal (community networks) and vertical (institutional layers) complexities, these efforts fall short.

For residents, informal connections might provide quick power, but they come with the risk of fire, electrocution and unstable supply – as alluded to by respondents during the action research (see case study above). Subsidies could break this cycle, but only if they are disentangled from broker networks.

A holistic, collaboratively produced approach is needed, which engages communities in design, regulates informal actors and streamlines distribution to ensure subsidies reach those targeted.

Overall, these findings point towards the need for adaptive strategies. Policymakers could pilot community-vetted application processes or integrate regulated Kamyufu roles to harness their networks positively. For community agency, awareness campaigns are key to demystifying subsidies, in order to provide broader choices for the residents.

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Declaration on use of generative AI: Grok 4 (xAI), accessed via grok.com between October–November 2025, was used to assist with structuring ideas, suggesting phrasing and light editing. All findings, fieldwork data, quotations, and conclusions are the author’s own. The final text was reviewed and approved by the author.

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Mapping electricity access in Kampala’s informal settlements: Kamyufus, subsidies and community perceptions

Hannah — Wed, 07 Jan 2026 07:00:00 +0000

By Jimmy Kanonya, community researcher in ACRC Kampala’s Electricity Access Subsidy Action Research (EASAR) project

Informal settlements in Kampala are home to approximately 60% of 2.3 million residents. Despite numerous interventions, access to electricity remains a critical challenge in these settlements. Electricity outages disrupt security and livelihoods. Many inhabitants face barriers to formal electricity connection, leading to widespread reliance on illegal alternatives.

A 2022 report revealed that a significant number of informal settlement residents are participating in unauthorised electricity connections. This practice not only leads to substantial financial losses for service providers but also diminishes government revenues and poses serious risks to the safety and wellbeing of users.

Through our research into the electricity supply and distribution value chains in Kampala’s informal settlements, we are trying to learn more about why electricity subsidies fail to reach those in most need – and the alternatives that residents turn to, in order to gain access to power.

Transmission lines and poles in Kampala

Communities’ experiences with electricity in Kampala

Many residents expressed varying experiences and frustrations when it came to electricity connectivity. Many reported inheriting connections from previous eras, such as during Uganda Electricity Board’s (UEB’s) tenure, only to face disruptions with subsequent providers.

According to some community members, applications for formal connections through Umeme – now Uganda Electricity Distribution Company Limited (UEDCL) – can take months or even years to process, leaving residents without timely access to much-needed power. Along with frequent delays to connection processes, exorbitant costs and discrepancies in unit (tariff) allocations continue to exacerbate electricity access among households.

Besides these challenges, some community members do appreciate progress being made with electricity access, including the installation of prepaid “Yaka” meters, which enhance users’ control of the power.

As residents navigate the complexities of accessing electricity in Kampala’s settlements, some inevitably turn to Kamyufus as an integral alternative service provider.

Kamyufus and their role in electricity access

The term “Kamyufu” refers to a network of informal electricians or illegal connectors who facilitate unauthorised access to electricity. Kamyufus acquire electrical skills through practical experience, such as observing licensed technicians or experience working in the electricity sector. In some cases, they are former employees of utility companies, who were either laid off or have transitioned to independent practice.

Kamyufus are integral to the ecosystem of illegal electricity access in informal settlements. While often labelled as criminals, they are tolerated, protected by the community and even sought after by residents because they address electricity service provision gaps such as delays in electricity connections.

**Community perceptions on Kamyufus: Benefactors or opportunists?**

Communities hold divergent views on Kamyufus. On one hand, they are criticised for engaging in rentseeking behaviours – withholding information and exploiting vulnerable residents. Their clandestine methods typically involve tapping into existing legal electricity lines or creating makeshift connections without proper authorisation.

However, Kamyufus have undeniably filled a service gap, bridging electricity access to households overlooked by formal systems. Some community members view them as community-embedded helpers, while others suspect collusion with formal entities. This duality underscores the complex socioeconomic dynamics in service provision and access in informal settlements, where necessity often overrides legality.

Challenges and risks associated with illegal connections

The involvement of Kamyufus introduces significant risks. A lack of formal training and oversight means that improper installations have led to property damage, fires caused by poor wiring and even fatalities. Wires are frequently routed unsafely under houses or through trenches, exacerbating electrocution and fire hazards.

In the event of an accident, affected residents often find themselves without recourse through official channels. Due to the undocumented and illegal nature of their electricity connections, reporting incidents could lead to negative consequences. As a result, the cases are swiftly and inconspicuously neutralised. These challenges not only put lives at risk but also create a continuous cycle of inefficiency and loss, for both communities and utilities.

Household connecting wires

**Why do communities continue to rely on Kamyufus?**

Despite the evident dangers, residents turn to Kamyufus for several reasons. Foremost is affordability – the official costs of formal connections, specifically those without a subsidy element, are prohibitive for many low-income households. Even when subsidy programmes are available, they are often short-lived, limited in scope or hampered by bureaucratic hurdles. Local leaders and those involved in the rollout of subsidy initiatives frequently introduce additional indirect costs, further complicating access.

Efficiency is another driving factor. Kamyufus offer rapid solutions, often completing connections in hours or days, rather than years, which outweighs the perceived risks for those in urgent need.

Information deficits

A pervasive issue exacerbating these challenges is the lack of public awareness about formal electricity access programmes. During transect walks, surveys and focus group discussions in these settlements, it became evident that information dissemination was inadequate. If there were posters or informational displays, they were rarely visible, even in areas where electricity access programmes are active.

According to community members, communication is primarily received via media outlets, which have limited reach, or local leaders, who may lack the education or sensitisation to effectively interpret and relay details. Many residents struggle to explain the origins, purposes or even names of ongoing initiatives, hindering word-of-mouth dissemination. This knowledge gap perpetuates reliance on informal alternatives and undermines electricity programme effectiveness.

A focus group discussion with community members

Electricity subsidy programmes bridging access

Limited awareness about government subsidy initiatives, such as the Electricity Access Scale-Up Project (EASP) and the Wetereze campaign, in areas of implementation hamper access. Often, information disseminated was mixed up, while there were also reports of extortion, exclusion and a limited scope of impact.

In Nakulabye Parish, located in the Lubaga Division of Kampala, some subsidy programmes have seen varying degrees of success. A particularly noteworthy initiative is the Pamoja programme, perceived as an awareness campaign. This programme effectively engaged community leaders in its implementation and facilitated the generation of reports that are widely believed to have inspired the development of subsequent initiatives, such as Yaka and Government Egabudde (government electricity connection).

The Pamoja and Ready Board programme provided free meters, bulbs and electricity poles, with most recipients reporting that these items were indeed provided at no cost. Despite its success, many community members were excluded, due to the programme’s limited scope and time constraints of waiting three to four months for installation.

A lack of clear understanding around the operations of subsidy programmes has limited access and allowed for manipulation. For instance, the government’s Egabudde initiative, often referred to as a “President’s Programme” under Umeme, aimed to provide free connections and meters. However, the programme was plagued by allegations of corruption.

Recommendations for improvement

The mapping exercise revealed a network of key actors in electricity access: residents approach Kamyufus for immediacy, landlords for tenancy-related issues, and politicians for advocacy. Formal offices like Umeme (now UEDCL) are seen as distant and unresponsive, leading to reliance on informal networks.

While Kamyufus provide a pragmatic workaround in the face of systemic failures, their role highlights deeper frustrations with formal processes, subsidies and information gaps. Community members’ aspirations for fairer access through expanded subsidies, zone-based interventions and collaboration with landlords need to be taken into consideration. Subsequently, sustainable solutions in electricity provision must focus on streamlining applications, expanding subsidies and bridging awareness divides to foster inclusive development in Kampala’s informal settlements.

To address these issues, the government and relevant stakeholders should prioritise enhanced awareness campaigns. This could include widespread use of community posters, simplified information materials, and training for local leaders to better understand and communicate about programmes. Revising outreach strategies to ensure clarity and accessibility would empower residents, reduce dependence on Kamyufus and promote safer, more equitable electricity access.

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New research: How political and urban systems shape access to healthy diets in Kampala’s informal settlements

Hannah — Tue, 02 Dec 2025 07:00:00 +0000

More than 60% of Kampala’s 2.3 million residents reside in informal settlements. Despite the city being food-abundant, communities living in these neighbourhoods face significant barriers to accessing nutritious diets, due to economic hardship, weak governance and inadequate service delivery.

A new ACRC working paper by Gloria Seruwagi, Henry Bazira, Maria Ssematiko, Jacqueline Kobusingye, Dorcus Kabahinda and Catherine Nakidde explores the challenges that informal settlement residents face in accessing healthy food, the political and systemic issues underpinning these, and potential ways to improve health, wellbeing and nutrition in the city.

Along with healthy and nutritious food, people living in Kampala’s informal settlements also face difficulties accessing essential services like healthcare and safe water. Exacerbating this is predatory advertising for food and beverages, which pushes processed and unhealthy options that many perceive as cheaper than nutritious food.

Key findings from the team’s research in the city show that:

> Informal food traders are vital for food access and availability. But they operate in an environment marked by high taxes, corruption and licensing constraints, which contributes to elevated food prices and forces many residents to rely on cheaper, unhealthier options.

> Nutrition literacy is low among residents of informal settlements, who often prioritise basic needs like housing or healthcare over dietary quality.

> Investment in disease prevention is very low and 98% of Kampala’s health facilities are privately owned. This leaves most low-income residents with expensive, curative-focused options and little exposure to preventive care or nutritional education.

> Sanitation and waste management systems are largely dysfunctional and inadequate, and also suffer from political interference. Reliable garbage collection is lacking in many informal settlements, leading to increased risk of disease outbreaks.

> Governance challenges are central, with resource allocation shaped by political interests. This delays critical policies dedicated to improving access to healthy diets, such as the Food and Nutrition Security Bill, with other more politically driven programmes overshadowing nutrition-focused initiatives.

> Non-state actors, including CSOs, development partners and the private sector, play key roles in filling service gaps. But their efforts are often fragmented and dependent on donors, which limits greater uptake and sustainability.

The authors highlight that the challenges residents of Kampala’s informal settlements face in accessing healthy diets largely stem from the limited affordability of nutritious food, due to high costs and political interference. Weak regulatory systems have enabled unhealthy, processed foods to proliferate in the city, especially as these are marketed to vulnerable groups. Meanwhile, low nutritional literacy prevents residents from understanding the vital role that healthy diets play in preventive healthcare and productivity.

Improving health, wellbeing and nutrition outcomes in Kampala’s informal settlements will require collaborative and holistic urban reform efforts. The authors argue that enhancing regulation, policy implementation and economic opportunities is critical, while more investment in community-driven initiatives, better urban planning and equitable service delivery will help transform the lives of millions living in Kampala’s most vulnerable neighbourhoods.

Read the full report

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Resilient urban markets: Surprises from Ggaba Market fieldwork in Kampala

Hannah — Wed, 01 Oct 2025 07:00:00 +0000

By Teddy Kisembo (in-city urban development lead), and reflections from Ggaba action research team

Ggaba Market is located in Ggaba parish, in Makindye division, along the shoreline of Lake Victoria. The market hosts over 500 vendors purveying fresh and cooked food fish, non-farm merchandise shops and clinics. It faces flooding during the rainy season despite having a drainage system in place (spanning 571.5 metres).

Market vendors generate about 50 tons of waste per day, which, if left uncollected, poses health hazards for the community within the market and contaminates both the lake and underground water.

The Kampala action research project on inclusive markets and resilient communities in Ggaba Market seeks to tackle the interlinked issues of flooding, waste management and sanitation in urban markets.

The initial fieldwork that engaged the market community revealed a number of unexpected and nuanced realities. These surprises are reshaping the initiative’s approach and emphasising the need for contextualised and adaptive solutions.

The following were the main surprises and learnings from the ongoing exploratory study by the Ggaba action research team:

1. The land where the market currently stands is a reclaimed wetland, which historically served as a natural flood buffer for Lake Victoria. The market’s location within the lake’s buffer zone leads to questions around how settlements develop and grow, despite existing planning regulations. This highlights tensions between city plans and environmental regulations in Uganda and the realities of the informal economy and informal settlements, where pressures of the informal economy and the need for livelihoods often override city plans.

Urban planning and informal economy conflict

2. The presence of multiple underground springs compounds the complexity of the flooding challenge in Ggaba market. Its location at the lake shores and in a low-lying area leads to flooding, due to seasonal heavy rains and backflows of lake water, which are then amplified by poor and clogged drains.

The presence of underground springs adds an extra challenge for designing potential drainage solutions, as any effective intervention must consider the constant flow of underground spring water, so that standard infrastructure solutions may be insufficient. This surprise highlights the need for adaptive and context-specific infrastructure that takes into account the constant flow of underground spring water and lake backflows.

Underground spring

3. Market vendors directly use the unsafe lake water for various food preparation purposes. Despite being located near the National Water and Sewerage Corporation, Ggaba Market has no affordable safe water source for vendors. The practice of “okugatiriza wo amakyafu” – using unsafe water to complement the available safe water for food preparation and cleaning produce – is therefore widespread and poses a hygiene risk. The team also suspected that fish vendors use unsafe water to clean fish, which could be an additional health hazard. This is a direct consequence of the gap in provision of affordable safe water, forcing the market community to complement with a contaminated source.

4. Public toilets at the market are not accessible at night. Public toilets are key sanitation facilities for the community – serving not only market vendors and customers, but also the wider catchment and residential area. While most toilets within the markets are accessible at a cost, their accessibility is a challenge. The operating hours (6:00am to around 10:00pm) do not accommodate the needs of vendors who often work until midnight. There is also increased demand for the facilities on days when events such as Friday prayers and market days take place. We also found that there are people who live in the market and need access to toilets. As a result, some have resorted to open defecation, dumping human waste in the garbage or in drainage channels or on top of houses.

A public toilet in the market

This mismatch between service hours and community needs shows a disconnect between the service providers (for the toilets) and the users, rendering a crucial facility inaccessible for many. This presented an ethnographic opportunity to better understand the evolving patterns of use as well as the social dynamics and negotiations that shape access to the public toilets.

5. Waste is dumped in the lake. Despite waste collection services being available in the market, some fishermen dump their waste directly into the lake, away from the shore. This prompted the team to further probe the efficiency of the current waste collection system and whether it leaves a gap that necessitates the observed behaviour. The usage of the lake as a waste dumping site poses both an ecological concern and stands as an example of both the creativity and the limits of systems in managing urban resilience, indicating an overwhelmed or inadequate formal waste management system.

6. Buyers’ preference for locally available fish, despite the poor state of the market environment, was a positive surprise. This helps vendors maintain strong demand and livelihoods, despite environmental challenges. It also provides a potential entry point for interventions into the resilience of the fish value chain and waste-to-resource innovations.

7. Proposal for developing Lake Victoria’s lakefront areas to ensure public access and restore shores. Being a lakeside market, Ggaba is likely to be affected by plans for lakeside development, as part of broader urban planning and infrastructure upgrades under the Greater Kampala Metropolitan Area Urban Development Program. While proposals cite improved infrastructure and restored lake shores, Ggaba Market vendors face risks to their livelihoods if redevelopment displaces or disrupts their activities, posing broader social, economic and environmental challenges. This highlights interlinked dynamics where environmental restoration, governance decision and economic survival have to be balanced within inclusive urban development.

8. There is a visible disconnect between market vendors and market leadership, stemming from what vendors described as poor governance. This dysfunction made data collection difficult, as most vendors dislike and disrespect the market leaders, due to the poor leadership. The vendors were therefore largely unwilling to engage with the research team in the presence of certain leaders. However, they became markedly more forthcoming and participative once those leaders were no longer in the vicinity, indicating that internal governance is a primary obstacle to collective action and external interventions.

Clogged drainage channel

What do these surprises reveal about urban development issues?

The insights from this fieldwork reflect an interplay between environmental vulnerabilities, systemic gaps in urban services and community dynamics. These highlight critical connections and disconnections within urban development systems, revealing tensions between systems and the realities of informality. These surprises can be deeply understood through the ACRC conceptual framework, that allows an integrated analysis of the interplay between the underlying political settlement, interconnected city of systems and contested urban development domains that define Ggaba Market realities.

Examples of hybrid engagement do exist – for example, where KCCA provides intermittent services like waste collection twice a week and works with market leaders to profile vendors. This shows that KCCA is making efforts to negotiate with local leaders to maintain stability and deliver services, although significant improvements are needed.

The disconnect and mistrust between vendors and the market leadership draws attention to a fractured market-level power balance. This internal dysfunction hinders collective action and the success of interventions, as vendors are unwilling to engage when certain leaders are present.

Governance issues in Ggaba Market

Tackling compound challenges

The issues in Ggaba are not isolated, but are indicators of multiple, poorly integrated and failing systems, whose dysfunctional interactions create cascading hazards.

Flooding in the market is not just a result of the market’s location at the lake buffer and the backflow of the lake, but rather a failure of multiple systems interacting negatively. The drainage system is poor and clogged by a failing waste management system. The presence of underground springs introduces a hydrogeological reality for which the engineered systems are not designed, highlighting the need for adaptive infrastructure rather than standard solutions.

Market flooding is a systemic issue

The water system’s failure to provide affordable water has forced the community into a coping mechanism of using contaminated lake water for cleaning produce and utensils (“okugatiriza wo amakyafu”). This links the failure of an infrastructure system to acute risks within the food distribution and health systems, creating a public health hazard.

Public health hazard from water system failure

The public toilets, which are part of the sanitation system, cannot keep up with the pace of the market’s economy. Their limited operating hours exclude vendors who work late, demonstrating a system that is not integrated with the social and economic systems it is meant to support.

Disconnected public toilets undermine market economy

Mapping lessons across domains

The surprises from Ggaba Market play out across several overlapping urban development domains:

> In the context of the informal settlements domain, the market is characterised by inadequate services and self-organisation. The reliance on the lake for both livelihoods (fishing) and waste disposal demonstrates the complex and often contradictory practices that emerge in this domain.

The complex dynamics of informal settlements

> The use of unsafe water places the market’s activities within the health, wellbeing and nutrition domain. Any intervention aimed at improving livelihoods must also address the health risks embedded in daily practices, requiring the integration of public health, water and food safety solutions.

> The proposed waterfront development pushes the market into the land and connectivity domain. The plan introduces city and national-level actors, whose vision for a modernised waterfront may conflict with the existing market. This highlights the need for proactive engagement to ensure the market community is not excluded from future development.

Reframing the initial fieldwork surprises through the ACRC framework helps create a more profound understanding of the issues facing Ggaba Market. These are not simply technical problems, but are embedded in the political settlement, the fragmented nature of service delivery systems and contested domains of urban development. This is key for developing the political and systemic interventions necessary for building market resilience.

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Improving access to information and development opportunities for young people in Kampala

Hannah — Mon, 01 Sep 2025 07:00:00 +0000

By Nansozi K Muwanga, action research project lead

Uganda is one of the youngest countries in the world, with over 70% of its population under the age of 30. In the lead-up to the 2021 elections, it was estimated that two-thirds of registered voters were below 30, highlighting the growing political significance of youth.

Although precise data on the number of youth living in the capital city Kampala’s informal settlements is lacking, voting patterns indicate a high concentration of young people who have consistently influenced electoral outcomes in the city. Beyond politics, Kampala’s youth also play a central role in Uganda’s economic development as key consumers and contributors to the informal and formal sectors.

Tapping young people’s potential

Recognising their political and economic potential, a wide range of actors – including government agencies, civil society organisations (CSOs), NGOs, UN bodies and political parties – are investing in youth development programmes in Kampala.

However, findings from our recent ACRC study suggest that this interest is often opportunistic. The young people interviewed were of the view that political parties, for example, tend to engage youth most actively during election periods, seeking their votes. Outside these windows, government-led youth programmes are often perceived as poorly designed and developed without meaningful input, especially from young people living in informal settlements.

The research reveals a general dissatisfaction among youth regarding existing government programmes, largely due to limited access to reliable information, which hinders their ability to meaningfully participate. Many remain unaware of available opportunities and services.

Various actors have introduced initiatives to support young people, such as cash transfer programmes, skills training centres, policy forums, community outreach efforts and research initiatives. However, the Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA) describes these interventions as “tremendous but uncoordinated and undocumented”. This fragmentation undermines impact and limits knowledge sharing.

Identifying shortfalls in existing youth programmes

In an effort to address these challenges, KCCA conducted a Training Needs Assessment and Gap Analysis in 2022, leading to the development of a Harmonised Training Manual on Mindset Change for Youth Socio-Economic Transformation in Kampala. The report identified key barriers to youth empowerment, including a persistent sense of exclusion and a lack of awareness about available programmes. It also noted that many implementing agencies fail to share lessons learned or coordinate effectively, resulting in duplicated efforts and missed opportunities for collaboration.

Our own focus group discussions and interviews confirmed that some officials and local leaders often blame the ineffectiveness of youth programmes on the so-called “mindset” of the youth, rather than addressing structural or design flaws within the programmes themselves. This reflects a broader disconnect between policy makers and the lived realities of young people, particularly those in underserved communities.

Although numerous youth-focused programmes in Kampala have strong potential, their impact is limited by a siloed and fragmented approach among key stakeholders. This raises several critical questions:

1. How can we build elite commitment to support a unified strategy for youth development, bringing together governmental and non-governmental actors in a meaningful reform coalition?

2. How can young people in informal settlements be effectively mobilised and engaged to shape and benefit from existing programmes?

3. What can be done to strengthen KCCA’s capacity to coordinate, document and disseminate youth development initiatives more effectively?

Building an inclusive approach to supporting young people in Kampala

We’re initiating a new action research project designed to explore these questions and to identify more cohesive, collaborative and impactful approaches to youth development in Kampala.

Our first step will be to examine how youth currently access information about programmes and services intended for them, and how key actors gather and respond to youth feedback. We will also investigate the extent of inter-agency coordination in programme delivery, especially among organisations offering skills training and empowerment initiatives.

The diagnostic scoping phase of this project is being led by the Uganda Youth Development Link (UYDEL). UYDEL will analyse:

> How information about youth initiatives is disseminated;

> The mechanisms available for youth to provide feedback;

> Whether this feedback is acted upon; and

> How different agencies coordinate (or fail to coordinate) their efforts.

In the longer term, this project will explore the potential for mobilising elite commitment – both governmental and non-governmental – to establish a reform coalition dedicated to youth development. This coalition would work to harmonise existing efforts, reduce duplication and ensure that young people, particularly those in informal settlements, are better informed, more engaged and adequately served by both state and non-state actors.

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What drives land value change in African cities? Unlocking value and the prospects for progressive reform

Hannah — Thu, 28 Aug 2025 07:00:00 +0000

By Tom Goodfellow, University of Sheffield, co-lead of ACRC’s land and connectivity domain research

The urgency of developing more effective mechanisms to capture rising land values for urban infrastructure and services is now widely acknowledged. It is also accepted that this is highly challenging; as well as facing numerous bureaucratic obstacles, urban land management is entwined with processes of political and economic bargaining, and there are often intense efforts by non-state actors (including brokers) to capture large portions of land value for themselves.

A recent ACRC workshop in Accra on property taxation, linked to earlier work in the land and connectivity domain, highlighted the ongoing importance of effective valuation. Valuation itself faces numerous technical and political challenges: accurately recording land and property values can be expensive, technically complex and subject to all kinds of interference. In many countries, taxing urban land is so fraught that only the buildings on it are valued, leaving a substantial part of property wealth untouched.

In order to unlock land values as a tool of redistribution, it is important to understand what actually shapes them, and which factors stimulate land value change. Why do some areas of a city – or some specific plots of land – become so much more valuable than others? This matters, because the legitimacy of land value capture is rooted in certain assumptions about how value is created. These assumptions have proved to be questionable in many African cities.

Our collective work in the land and connectivity domain report highlighted some of the actual drivers of land value change in the cities we examined: Accra, Bukavu, Harare, Kampala, Maiduguri and Mogadishu. Here, I build on this to consider how these findings challenge some of the dominant notions on which ideas of value capture are based.

“Paradigmatic ideas” about land value change

Answers to the question of what shapes land values might seem obvious, and there are plenty of proposed mechanisms posited in the disciplines of economics and planning, based largely on the experiences of advanced industrial economies. In the language of ACRC’s conceptual framework, a set of “paradigmatic ideas” dominates assumptions about land value change and feeds into policy discourses, both internationally and at more local levels.

These paradigmatic ideas depend heavily on a distinction between private property as the main site of value, and public infrastructure and public regulation as primary drivers of that value.

The received wisdom is that (private) land value increases are largely driven by three factors:

1. Increased economic activity or prosperity in an area, which inflates demand for the land

2. Public infrastructure investments that make the land more desirable

3. Changes to planning permission/regulations that again increase its desirability and therefore value

The logic, then, is that for factors 2 and 3, the uplift in value is caused by the state – by public infrastructure and regulation – and therefore it can legitimately be recaptured by the state for redistribution.

Unsettling the received wisdom

But what if much of the infrastructure provided to service urban land in an urban area is not public, but rather provided by private (and often informal) providers? What if regulations about what can and can’t be built in an area are determined less by the state than by other kinds of authority? And, moreover, what if the land in question is not straightforwardly “private”, such that any official owner being taxed also has to contend with paying a range of other levies related to more collective territorial claims on the land?

Our research revealed such dynamics in a number of cities. It suggests that the paradigmatic ideas do not represent the whole story about drivers of value change, and that context-specific institutions and practices are central. Attention to contextual “price signals” has often been present in land rent theory and the “hedonic modelling” used by real estate researchers and analysts – yet this often gets lost in contemporary value capture discourses, and such models also miss some of the most important factors in the cities we studied.

Aerial view over Maiduguri, Nigera. Photo credit: IRC

The real drivers of land value change: Findings from the land and connectivity domain

Our studies unsettle this assumption that urban property is primarily private and infrastructure is primarily public. This is particularly true if we consider property development in peripheral or suburban areas, which is taking place across many African cities.

Let’s first consider the idea of private property. In a city such as Accra or Lagos, individual property rights and heightened land commodification are very real, but co-exist and overlap with “customary” forms of tenure. Thus, while sales to individuals are common, various other actors continue to make claims to benefit from the land’s use, often based on longstanding collective ancestral rights. A share of any increase in the value of this land is therefore seen as rightfully belonging not just to the official owner but also a range of (often quite diffuse) actors. In Accra, for example, various categories of “land guards”, with varying degrees of popular and historical legitimacy, claim fees and levies for different stages in the development of property on land.

When land retains these social and collective attributes, focusing just on the property relation – for example, through taxing the owner – without attention to these other dynamics, it can result in feelings of “over taxation” and illegitimacy.

When it comes to the question of infrastructure provision and regulation, the picture from our cities also diverges substantially from the paradigmatic ideas. While major public infrastructure such as roads does often substantially bolster land value, in other cases the opposite occurs. In examples from Maiduguri and Kampala, certain road investments appeared to dampen or even reverse local rises in land value, due to having adverse impacts on personal security (such as if the road becomes associated with a rise in violent criminal activity, for instance), local population mobility, or the functioning of other infrastructure.

Moreover, the kinds of infrastructure that did significantly increase land values was often privately rather than publicly provided. In Mogadishu, for example, certain new suburbs were served with privately provided roads as well as private services such as schools, hospitals and green areas, all of which boosted land values. In peripheral areas of other cities, including Harare and Accra, the role of private actors in providing infrastructure – and sometimes also planning and regulatory services of various kinds – tells a broadly similar story.

Implications for urban reform

These findings must give us pause when thinking about appropriate routes for capturing land values. The idea of public interventions to boost (and recoup) privately held value makes less sense when, in practice, private interventions have been generating much of the value. Meanwhile, taxing land value is not straightforward in cases where it has not simply accrued to an identifiable private actor.

This is not to say that efforts towards property taxation and other forms of value capture should not be pursued. Indeed, they remain urgent. But as well as building government capacity to register values and collect taxes, there need to be ongoing efforts to build understanding on the moral and political principles underpinning property taxation, and public dialogue acknowledging the challenges people face paying tax alongside levies to non-state actors. These efforts need to be accompanied by incremental improvements to public infrastructure provision.

As so much of ACRC’s work had demonstrated, successful urban reform is rooted in trust, collective mobilisation and the building of reform coalitions. This is as true of property taxation as any other urban domain, and the better we understand the nature and drivers of the value to be taxed, the more likely that a collective agenda to redistribute this wealth will materialise.

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New research: Productive partnerships and citizen agency key to urban reform in Kampala

Hannah — Thu, 13 Feb 2025 04:00:00 +0000

A new report by Paul Isolo Mukwaya, Judith Mbabazi and Henrik Ernstson draws on ACRC’s holistic conceptual framework components – politics, systems and domains – to analyse urban development in Kampala.

Kampala is Uganda’s capital city, serving as its major administrative and commercial centre. One of Africa’s fastest-expanding cities, it is growing at an annual rate of 5.6%. Originally planned for 300,000 people at the time of its declaration as the capital city of Uganda, it has expanded rapidly over the past 60 years, with a daytime population of over 4.5 million. Yet its urban planning functions and infrastructure are struggling to keep pace with the acute needs of this growing population.

This new report explores how national and city-level politics, urban systems and particular configurations of actors, agencies, ideas and practices have shaped development across various domains. It looks at the urban development domains of informal settlements; youth and capability development; land and connectivity; and health, wellbeing and nutrition.

Through holistic analysis of various studies conducted by researchers in the city, the authors identify the most pressing development problems facing Kampala – and its disadvantaged communities in particular. They also highlight the challenges that are likely to be encountered in efforts to solve these issues in an equitable and (environmentally and fiscally) sustainable way.

Interest politics and institutional dysfunctionality

The report highlights Kampala’s highly politicised culture. Political authority in the city has become highly fragmented, with a myriad of power centres emerging. A series of experiments, including decentralisation and recentralisation of city governance, have not delivered the required service delivery outcomes for Kampala.

A longstanding commitment to privatisation and market-driven responses has weakened the capacity of both central and city governments to govern and coordinate critical systems and services effectively. Institutional dysfunctionality means that private formal and informal actors fill the many gaps in centralised systems, resulting in complex formal–informal modes of delivery that rarely offer reliable, accessible and affordable services. Water supply, waste management, sanitation, public safety, housing, energy and even circulation of traffic are systemic challenges. Urban life typically survives in the alternatives, with marginalised groups particularly affected by Kampala’s urban development problems. Overall, system shortcomings and improvisations have resulted in informal neighbourhoods, inaccessible settlements, inefficient transport systems, ineffective electricity distribution systems, insecurity and injustice.

Priority reforms and citizen agency

The report identifies the priority reforms that Kampala urgently requires. These include informal settlement upgrading; proper land registration; waste management; apprenticeship, skills development and vocational training for youth groups; and public health campaigns on healthy diets. State capabilities to address urban development challenges are needed in areas including financing, human resource capacity improvements, and the capacity to forge productive partnerships and new ways of working with relevant non-state actors and to undertake basic regulatory functions.

To address these issues, the authors identify a need to explore how local communities can participate effectively in city governance affairs – and how economists, political scientists, urban researchers and individuals or groups can give urban reform policy advice, without being construed as government critics or members of the opposition.

They point to the huge potential for citizen agency across the city. Residents are demanding urban reform around key service delivery challenges – using platforms such as neighbourhood watch systems, (in)formal financing systems, digital warrior and hashtag activism. These have increasingly been supported by community and civil society, which, with support, have the potential to offer a stronger voice and more effective source of service provision for Kampala’s most marginalised residents.

Read the full report

Read the research brief

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Collaborations and shared learning: Reflections on ACRC’s conceptual framework and theory of change in Kampala

Hannah — Thu, 19 Dec 2024 07:00:00 +0000

By Teddy Kisembo, Paul Isolo Mukwaya, Badru Bukenya and Hafisa Namuli

ACRC’s Kampala city team recently embarked on a reflective journey, dissecting the theory of change (ToC) and conceptual framework (CF) that underpin ACRC’s transformative work in African cities. The workshop, held at Makerere University in October, was a melting pot of ideas, insights and a shared vision for urban (re)development in Kampala city.

Two participants from Makerere University joined the Kampala city team, to benchmark the CF and ToC. They were particularly interested in leveraging these frameworks that could be used to guide their own research project, “Urban futures: Toward health equity, inclusive governance and climate adaptation in African informal settlements”. This project is being undertaken with partners from the University of Waterloo, Canada, the Institute of Development Studies, UK, Kampala Capital City Authority, the Training and Research Support Centre (TARSC) in Harare, Zimbabwe, and Sierra Leone Urban Research Centre (SLURC) in Freetown, Sierra Leone.

They found the workshop to be very informative and helpful in to supporting their processes around undertaking a political economy analysis for the city. They are now planning to use the ToC and CF to guide their work.

Theory of change and conceptual framework: A dynamic duo

ACRC’s ToC serves as a roadmap for achieving desired outcomes, while the CF serves as a tool for understanding the complexity of the urban context in which projects operate. Together, they empower project teams to identify the enablers and inhibitors of urban systems functioning in Kampala City, develop targeted interventions, anticipate challenges and monitor progress.

The workshop emphasised the importance of aligning the ToC and CF with ACRC’s broader goals, to ensure that the portfolio of action research projects being implemented in Kampala will contribute meaningfully to improving the lives of urban citizens in the city.

Key takeaways and next steps

The team further explored the practical application of the frameworks, examining how projects interact with various city systems (for example, water, energy, waste management, transportation, healthcare, education, food distribution, law and order) and specific urban development domains (for example, youth and capability development, health wellbeing and nutrition, land and connectivity, and informal settlements). The team was also mindful of the crosscutting issues, including climate change, municipal finance and gender.

Discussions focused on leveraging opportunities within the political settlements framework and city systems to achieve project goals, fostering collaboration, and co-producing knowledge among diverse stakeholders (such as researchers, policymakers and communities).

Following on from the workshop, the team’s next steps include incorporating the ToC and CF into their next set of project proposals and actively engaging with the frameworks throughout the project lifecycle.

Key (re)learnings

The workshop was not just about frameworks and theories; it was about igniting a passion for urban transformation. The discussions were lively, the insights were sharp, and the atmosphere was electric. It was a reminder that academic research can be both rigorous and engaging, as well as informative and inspiring.

Key workshop outcomes included:

Underscoring the importance of understanding the political context in which urban development systems and projects operate;
Participants gaining a deeper understanding of the ToC and CF and their practical application in project planning and implementation;
Fostering a collaborative learning environment, encouraging knowledge sharing and exchange of ideas among participants.

The workshop was also an opportunity for the land and connectivity team to refine its project idea around forming a reform coalition with land stakeholders. The team is in the process of developing a proposal for their project.

A collective endeavour

The ToC and CF will guide the work of the ACRC Kampala team, ensuring that projects contribute to the creation of inclusive, productive, safe and sustainable cities. The journey of urban transformation is a collective one, and the workshop was a testament to the power of collaboration and shared learning.

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Kampala - ACRC

Is soil filling a solution to flooding in Kampala’s Ggaba Market?

What is soil filling?

How reliable and effective is soil filling?

Is there cause to worry?

Survival or progress?

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Awareness of youth programmes in Uganda is high – so why is participation so low?

The information gap: Awareness without access

The vertical (top-down) pathway

The horizontal (peer-to-peer) pathway

Why awareness does not equal participation

The way forward: A centralised and inclusive information platform

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Unravelling a complex web: Electricity subsidy experiences in Kampala’s informal settlements

1. Kamyufu networks are more than meets the eye

Case study | Too dark to wait: Two years without light in Nankulabye informal settlement

2. Subsidised connections and the barriers of complexity

What this means for Kampala’s urban landscape

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Mapping electricity access in Kampala’s informal settlements: Kamyufus, subsidies and community perceptions

Communities’ experiences with electricity in Kampala

Kamyufus and their role in electricity access

Community perceptions on Kamyufus: Benefactors or opportunists?

Challenges and risks associated with illegal connections

Why do communities continue to rely on Kamyufus?

Information deficits

Electricity subsidy programmes bridging access

Recommendations for improvement

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New research: How political and urban systems shape access to healthy diets in Kampala’s informal settlements

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Resilient urban markets: Surprises from Ggaba Market fieldwork in Kampala

What do these surprises reveal about urban development issues?

Tackling compound challenges

Mapping lessons across domains

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Improving access to information and development opportunities for young people in Kampala

Tapping young people’s potential

Identifying shortfalls in existing youth programmes

Building an inclusive approach to supporting young people in Kampala

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What drives land value change in African cities? Unlocking value and the prospects for progressive reform

“Paradigmatic ideas” about land value change

Unsettling the received wisdom

The real drivers of land value change: Findings from the land and connectivity domain

Implications for urban reform

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New research: Productive partnerships and citizen agency key to urban reform in Kampala

Interest politics and institutional dysfunctionality

Priority reforms and citizen agency

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Collaborations and shared learning: Reflections on ACRC’s conceptual framework and theory of change in Kampala

Theory of change and conceptual framework: A dynamic duo

Key takeaways and next steps

Key (re)learnings

A collective endeavour

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**1. Kamyufu networks are more than meets the eye**

**Community perceptions on Kamyufus: Benefactors or opportunists?**

**Why do communities continue to rely on Kamyufus?**