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		<title>Podcast: Urban markets, informality and climate resilience in Harare</title>
		<link>https://www.african-cities.org/podcast-urban-markets-informality-and-climate-resilience-in-harare/</link>
		
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		<pubDate>Wed, 15 Apr 2026 07:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Action research]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[Harare]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[African cities]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[housing]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[podcast]]></category>
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					<description><![CDATA[<p>Chris Jordan and Rosebella Apollo are joined by Harare-based practitioners George Masimba and Shiela Muganyi to explore what inclusive urban reform looks like in practice.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.african-cities.org/podcast-urban-markets-informality-and-climate-resilience-in-harare/">Podcast: Urban markets, informality and climate resilience in Harare</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.african-cities.org">ACRC</a>.</p>]]></description>
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				<div class="et_pb_text_inner"><p class="WPSBody"><strong>“I think one of the most important aspects that has come out of this space is creating that enabling environment where communities can interact with the state without necessarily throwing accusations at each other.”</strong><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="WPSBody">In this episode, <b>Chris Jordan</b> and co-host <b>Rosebella Apollo</b> are joined by Harare-based practitioners <b>George Masimba</b> and <b>Shiela Muganyi</b>, from Dialogue on Shelter and Zimbabwe Homeless People’s Federation respectively, to explore what inclusive urban reform looks like in practice. They explore two ACRC action research projects that are currently underway in Harare – the first focused on upgrading urban markets, and the second on building climate change resilience among informal settlement communities.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="WPSBody">Reflecting on the urban markets project, George talks about working with market associations across 13 sites in Harare, on elements including data collection, policy engagement, capacity strengthening and infrastructure upgrades. Building on an earlier project based in the Glen View 8 Furniture Complex, he explains how the action research is supporting traders to improve their livelihoods and build resilience in the face of repeated market fires. Shiela then discusses the Informal Settlements Climate Change Action (ISCCA) project, exploring how climate change has become a catalyst for informal settlement upgrading, improving tenure security and driving community-led action in low-income areas. They unpack the role of the Urban Informality Forum as a collaborative platform that brings together communities, city authorities and researchers, and talk about how it could be replicated in other African cities to drive inclusive reform.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="WPSBody"><a href="https://www.african-cities.org/harare" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><b>&gt; Read more about ACRC’s work in Harare</b></a><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="WPSBody"><a href="https://twitter.com/chrisjords" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><b>Chris Jordan</b></a> is communications and impact manager for the Global Development Institute at The University of Manchester, and ACRC&#8217;s communications manager.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="WPSBody"><a href="https://www.utafitisera.pasgr.org/personnel/rosebella-apollo/"><b>Rosebella Apollo</b></a> is ACRC’s research uptake officer, based at the Partnership for African Social and Governance Research (PASGR) in Nairobi.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="WPSBody"><a href="https://zw.linkedin.com/in/dr-george-masimba-87870016" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><b>George Masimba</b></a> is head of programmes at Dialogue on Shelter and ACRC’s city manager for Harare.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="WPSBody"><a href="https://zw.linkedin.com/in/shiela-prisca-muganyi-30833bb7"><b>Shiela Muganyi</b></a> is a community research leader from the Zimbabwe Homeless People’s Federation and part of the ACRC Harare action research project on climate resilience.<o:p></o:p></p></div>
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				<h5 class="et_pb_toggle_title">Transcript</h5>
				<div class="et_pb_toggle_content clearfix"><p>The full podcast transcript is available below.</p></div>
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				<h5 class="et_pb_toggle_title">Read now</h5>
				<div class="et_pb_toggle_content clearfix"><p><strong><span>Chris Jordan </span></strong><span>Hello and welcome to the African Cities Research Consortium podcast. My name is Chris Jordan. I&#8217;m the communications manager with ACRC and today I&#8217;m joined as a co-host by Rosebella Apollo, our uptake lead in Nairobi. Welcome Rosebella. </span></p>
<p><strong><span>Rosebella Apollo </span></strong><span>Thank you, Chris. I&#8217;m happy to be here. </span></p>
<p><strong><span>Chris Jordan </span></strong><span>And we&#8217;re also in Manchester with some of the key people in our team from Harare. We have George Masimba who&#8217;s the head of programmes at Dialogue on Shelter. Hello, George. </span></p>
<p><strong><span>George Masimba </span></strong><span>Hi, how are you? Glad to be here. </span></p>
<p><strong><span>Chris Jordan </span></strong><span>Great, yeah, good thanks. We&#8217;ve also got Shiela Muganyi, also at Dialogue on Shelter, who is heading up the programme around informal settlements and climate resilience. Hi Shiela. </span></p>
<p><strong><span>Shiela Muganyi </span></strong><span>Hi Chris, hi Rosebella, thank you for inviting us. </span></p>
<p><strong><span>Chris Jordan </span></strong><span>Our pleasure. It&#8217;s lovely to have you here. So, we wanted to talk to you about some of the work that you&#8217;ve got going on in Harare at the moment and some of the surrounding issues. One of the longest standing projects that you&#8217;ve had, I think the first one you started, was around urban markets, which are a really key element of the city, providing livelihoods and an economic base for thousands of people. So could you tell me a bit about what the project set out to do and how it&#8217;s developed over time? </span></p>
<p><strong><span>George Masimba </span></strong><span>Thank you very much, Chris. Indeed, the work that we&#8217;ve done in Harare started with the urban markets work, which I&#8217;m going to talk about, and we&#8217;ve also had a component around informal settlements, which my colleague Shiela will talk about. So in terms of the urban markets work, like you rightly pointed out, it was as a result of the realisation that markets play in the city in terms livelihoods. But also taking into account the, apart from these opportunities in terms of livelihoods benefits, there are also challenges in these markets, particularly with regards to access to infrastructure and services in these markets and also even the policies that relate to making these spaces more inclusive, more resilient and sustainable as part and parcel of the mainstream city. So, our projects sought to engage with the market associations from across the city of Harare and we targeted about 13 markets from within Harare, and the broad agenda around the project was to undertake what I would consider as three or four elements. So, firstly, it looked at data collection, taking into account that the work that we&#8217;re doing is part and parcel of the ACRC action research project. So data collection was a very key element in terms of trying to understand the realities of the markets in Harare. Secondly, there was also a huge component around policy-related processes. And what do we mean here? We were focusing on supporting policy-related engagement with the city in terms of identifying areas that require strengthening, in terms of ensuring that we have the right institutional environment where traders can flourish and the markets as well. And then thirdly, we also had a significant component that focuses on capacity strengthening in terms of the market associations, and also even capacity strengthening in terms of state institutions taking into account the theory of change of ACRC, which speaks to enhanced state capacity as one of the key pillars that unlocks inclusive urban growth. Then, lastly, we had a component around undertaking physical upgrades as a way of demonstrating what can be done in terms of improving these markets when traders, the city, and all the stakeholders come on board in terms trying to solve these issues. So that&#8217;s the focus, or that was the focus of the work that we&#8217;re doing in Harare. And we started with focusing on one market. Where we made some interventions in terms of the hardware related interventions and this is Glen View 8 Furniture Complex. It&#8217;s located towards the southwestern part of the capital of Harare. This, as the name suggests, the market is involved in carpentry items, but beyond that there are also related livelihoods activities that are also happening within the same market apart from the furniture making businesses. So we did collect data, supported by academics and also communities, taking into account the community knowledge component that is a very huge component in terms of the African Cities Research Consortium action research. And then after collecting data, together with the traders, we then sat down to reflect in terms of what was this data telling us. And in terms of the data, it told us about a lot of gaps with respect to infrastructure. And that speaks to issues of access to water and sanitation, for example, and also even drainage in the case of flooding during rain season. But also another element that was so profound or prominent in terms of the findings from Glen View relates to the perennial fire outbreaks that we have become accustomed to in terms of Glen View 8 furniture complex. And if I may say this, since the market was established in 2006, there&#8217;s been 15 fire outbreaks in Glen View. So part of the priorities that informed the interventions were hugely informed and influenced by some of these issues that were highlighted or came out of the data processes. And so we began a process of sitting down together with the city, because the the market is owned by the city. But there are also other critical stakeholders including the provincial and central government in terms of supporting SMEs or informal sector. So we worked out how we would then come up with the hardware interventions that sought to respond to some of these priorities identified. And we identified collectively together with the traders WASH interventions as some of the low-hanging fruits as it were that could be rolled out in terms of infrastructure upgrades. And to date I&#8217;m happy to note that that work was completed in the first phase. And apart from these hardware interventions, we also learned a significant amount of lessons in terms of what this is teaching us about markets. Despite issues to do with their contested nature, we noted that market associations, traders – they are willing to contribute towards addressing some of the challenges that are faced in these markets and willing in terms of ideas, willing and even in terms resources. But more often you find that there are no opportunities for the different stakeholders to come onto the same table and chart some pathways for bringing these required services into these markets. So that&#8217;s something that we have learned through this process, through the ACRC action research in Harare. And just to also note that, apart from Glen View, there were also related interventions that we undertook that touched other markets beyond just the Glen View Furniture Complex. So, for example, the policy engagements that I spoke about earlier involved other markets, in terms of ensuring that whatever institutional frameworks that would be in place would also then enable establishment or supporting markets just beyond the one that had been targeted. And even the learnings, we had opportunities for peer-to-peer learning across these different markets, learning from each other in terms how they were addressing or resolving some of the challenges that they are facing in their markets. And we had an exchange visit with Bulawayo, which is the second capital in Zimbabwe, where Glen View traders were able to also see some of the governance approaches that were being used in terms of administering similar markets. So really, quite a number of lessons that we took away from the first phase and which we hope are going to be very useful in terms of informing the way that lies ahead, in terms of the phase two that is just starting now. And we have plans to, having done Glen View, we have plans to sit down together with the City of Harare and relevant stakeholders in terms of which other markets can we get into. And also supported by the lead for the action research project, which is Development Governance Institute. So that&#8217;s what we have done, that&#8217;s where we are in terms of the urban markets project, and yeah, we are happy we are here, we are happy we have learnt some considerable amount of lessons through this action research project. </span></p>
<p><strong><span>Chris Jordan </span></strong><span>That&#8217;s really fascinating to hear and I know you mentioned the fire outbreaks that regularly happen at Glen View, but also part way through the research that you were doing, there was a major fire at the main urban market, the Mbare market. Did that create opportunities for you? Did it open more space or dialogue around the issues of markets more broadly? </span></p>
<p><strong><span>George Masimba </span></strong><span>Thank you Chris for that question. Indeed, in as much as the fire was very unfortunate, as would always be the case, I think it also presented opportunities for engaging the state. For example, soon after the fire, we were able to facilitate hosting of a policy seminar that drew the city and central government and many other relevant stakeholders together around the Urban Informality Forum, which is a platform that we co-created together with our partners and hosted within the University of Zimbabwe. So, we were able to come up with a policy seminar that specifically focused on disasters in urban markets through, as a result, or following the outbreak at Mbare. And this helped in terms of spotlighting the disaster-related challenges that are faced in urban market and begin to push the key stakeholders, in this case, city and central government authorities, in terms of how do we ensure that markets become resilient against the backdrop of such incidences as the perennial fires that continue to affect markets in Harare? So it indeed provided an opportunity to have some conversations and make out some strategies in terms of how do you support markets so that they become fire resilient, as it were. </span></p>
<p><strong><span>Rosebella Apollo </span></strong><span>Thank you very much, George. Perhaps, just to take us slightly back, I wonder – traditionally, Dialogue on Shelter has focused heavily on engagements with informal settlements and informal settlers. This switch now to working with the urban markets. How do you transition very seamlessly? Like you rightfully put it, you have managed to switch the different sides from the informal settlements to the market and have successfully still put up quite some tangible interventions. How do manage to seamlessly transition, but most importantly, how do you make the inroads for that kind of change?</span></p>
<p><strong><span>George Masimba </span></strong><span>Thank you, Rosebella, for that question. So indeed, the urban markets space and the informal settlements space are two different things, but they are also similar in the sense that you are dealing with informal spaces. So, that informality component or element contributes to our capacity to then transition from this one space to the other, because in many respects, some of the realities or the challenges that they are dealing with are more or less the same. So, you talk of informal settlement, issues of infrastructure gaps are very common, and the same applies to markets, particularly if they are informal and even formal markets. So that common thread in terms of informality running through these different spaces helped us to get around that transition and to be comfortable in terms for dealing with this new space that we were entering into. But I also want to note that we learned a great deal of lessons working with informal markets in terms of how you need to adjust some of the tools and strategies, approaches that you deploy in informal settlements. For example, previously when you are undertaking data collection in informal settlements, the notion of time does not come very much on the forefront, but when you&#8217;re dealing with traders and you&#8217;re conducting research, time becomes money. And that&#8217;s one thing that we learned and it informed the way we&#8217;re undertaking data collection processes, taking into account that you are dealing with people whose time is essentially money. So you&#8217;ve got to then respond accordingly or adjust accordingly in terms of how you approach the data collection processes, but even the mobilisation processes, all that needs to respond to this different context in terms of markets. So yeah, it was indeed a different space, but we also took a number of lessons in terms of how we could approach that. </span></p>
<p><strong><span>Chris Jordan </span></strong><span>Great and this work, as you said, is ongoing. There&#8217;s more to come. Where would you like to get it to? Where do you think the opportunities for reform and improvements around markets are in Harare? </span></p>
<p><strong><span>George Masimba </span></strong><span>So, in terms of opportunities for reform in Harare, they pointed at many things and in terms of what I could talk about right now is how do you leverage traders&#8217; resources in terms of ensuring that markets are upgraded? Because I think, based on the findings, it&#8217;s an area that is full of missed opportunities in terms of how traders can contribute towards improvement of their trading spaces, which is something that we are borrowing and learning from the informal settlements space, where communities take a huge part in terms of contributing towards upgrading. And we think there is merit in replicating, of course, adapting that model into markets where you leverage on their resources, both in terms of financial resources, as well as their intellectual resources, in terms how markets can be improved. So that&#8217;s an area where we think there is a lot of potential for reform, and we are happy to note that in phase two, a huge focus of our work will look at how do you come up with alternative infrastructure and land tenure models for markets in Harare – the work that is going to be led by Development Governance Institute. And that for us provides the basis and foundation for thinking through processes related to policy reform that respond to the broader agenda that ACRC is pursuing in terms of pushing inclusive urban reform. So, one, land tenure. Two, infrastructure financing in terms of the contribution of traders. </span></p>
<p><strong><span>Chris Jordan </span></strong><span>Thanks, George, and we might come back to some of those broader issues of reform and coalitions and how change is being moved forward in the city, but can I now turn to you, Shiela? So can you tell us a bit about the project that you&#8217;re leading around climate change and improving resilience within informal settlements? </span></p>
<p><strong><span>Shiela Muganyi </span></strong><span>Thank you so much, Chris. So the ISCCA project, the Informal Settlements Climate Change Action project, is using climate change as an entry point to slum upgrading in Harare. So at the same time, it&#8217;s also strengthening the locally-led adaptation actions that are already happening in the communities and also building the city&#8217;s capacity to implement its own framework in terms of slum upgrading. So this is what ISCCA is trying to focus on in Harare&#8217;s informal settlements and city-wide. </span></p>
<p><strong><span>Chris Jordan </span></strong><span>And what have you done so far? Has this been research on the ground in terms of looking at different solutions or what&#8217;s happened? </span></p>
<p><strong><span>Shiela Muganyi </span></strong><span>Yes, so what we have done so far in the first phase, we have done vulnerability assessments. So the first phase was mainly on research and now we are focusing, this is our second phase, we are now focusing on action, on the action bit. So we have done the vulnerability assessments, we&#8217;ve done the mapping, trying to map the hazards, the risks in the communities. And also trying to understand what really happens, what are the causes of these impacts. And then we also developed, we co-developed the communities&#8217; climate change action plans and these are the actions that they are also using to do the locally-led actions in their communities. And also they are using these to also advocate for slum upgrading of their communities. So, for example, the main issue in the communities that&#8217;s been coming out, despite the climate change impacts is the issue of tenure. And that&#8217;s the biggest challenge that&#8217;s preventing the communities themselves to do a locally-led action that can be long-term. Most of the communities are focusing on short-term actions. So the project now is coming in to try and have these conversations with the city, at least for them to understand what&#8217;s happening on the ground, the actions that are being done, and also the efforts of the communities to be embedded in the city&#8217;s framework. And also, we have been trying to do Urban Informality Forums that bring together the state, the local authorities, different other actors that are relevant to the work that we are doing. So in December on the 5th, we held an Urban Informality Forum, which was mainly focusing on Dzivarasekwa Extension towards other road designs. So this also we made sure that we brought the state to the grassroots because if we looked back, when we used to do these Urban Informality Forums, we used to have meetings in spaces like this, in spaces at the University of Zimbabwe, in spaces at the City of Harare Chambers, and then this time we shifted from that because we want the city to be involved in the plans, in all the action or the work that the communities are doing, and also see how they can support them around the challenges that they are facing. So this is also one of the things that we have done and achieved. And also, in the first phase, we had a project management committee, which is in partnership with the City of Harare, Zimbabwe Homeless People&#8217;s Federation, and Dialogue on Shelter. And some community representatives also managed to be part of these conversations. So the main purpose of this project management committee, it was established around 2010 during the Harare Slum Upgrading Project. So we revived it when the ISCCA project came. So what we achieved from the first project management committee meeting that we held in May last year was the relevant departments of the city of Harare then came in to support Tafara&#8217;s informal settlement by issuing them a partial compliance certificate. They also issued them with lease agreements that they are in the process of signing and also approved house plans. So this is a process that&#8217;s still in place and almost 75% of the communities managed to sign their lease agreements and to have their own approved house plans. So this was the main achievement or a milestone from this project management committee that we can still embrace. And then, Tafara informal settlement, now we started to do permanent construction on the ground so right now I think it&#8217;s plus or minus 30 houses that have been built to roof level. Right now, work is in progress, they&#8217;ve been sending photos of what&#8217;s happening right now, so this is a milestone for us. And we also had another meeting on the 27th of February, another project management committee some two weeks ago, and we also then tried to see how we can also work into the 11 settlements that are focused by the ISCCA project. So there is a process of regularisation that&#8217;s happening in the city of Harare right now. And the relevant department, also one of the main officials, then asked us if we can meet and then also see which of the settlements that we are planning to work with or we are working with so that we can try and see how we can work together with the city of Harare. And right now, in that same meeting, they also reported that they have started regularising 150 informal settlements in Harare, so it&#8217;s one of the, during the Harare Slum Upgrading Project, I think we managed to sign a memorandum of understanding between us and the city of Harare, and from this we then produced a slum upgrading strategy, where there are some issues of regularisation policies inside this. So I think they have also started to institutionalise or operationalise the strategy that we produced together. So these are some of the milestones here. I can also talk about the settlement to settlement visits that are ongoing, which are also have been very helpful between the communities, and also another milestone is that the communities themselves are speaking directly to the theory of change reform coalition. The settlements themselves then decided to establish an informal settlements network, which they use as a platform of sharing ideas, sharing concerns, sharing what&#8217;s happening in real-time on their settlements. And this informal settlements network has proved to be one of the networks that&#8217;s been very helpful in these communities. By that, it was an informal settlement network that started as 11 settlements, only that are focusing on the ISCCA project, but it has now gone beyond the 11 settlements and now we are calling it a city-wide informal settlements network. </span></p>
<p><strong><span>Chris Jordan </span></strong><span>That&#8217;s really great and loads that&#8217;s happened. I&#8217;m really interested in that originally, this was a project that used climate as its focus and its entry point, but it seems like a lot of the positive changes that you&#8217;ve seen have been around regularisation and tenure security and some of the bigger, you know, possibly like harder things to achieve around this sort of process. So how&#8217;s that worked? Is that just the City of Harare recognising that in order to improve time and resilience, that tenure was a precursor to that?</span></p>
<p><strong><span>Shiela Muganyi </span></strong><span>Yeah, so just because we are having these regular meetings, regular conversations, I think there are a lot of, there are series of conversations or engagements that we&#8217;ve been doing, bigger meetings, smaller meetings, you know, with the city of Harare. So I think it is something that the city is embracing. It&#8217;s something that the city has also started to look at on another lens. And the other thing that I think is making this relationship stronger between the communities and the City of Harare is that through the Urban Informality Forums and the meetings that we do together, including the affected community representatives, they speak for themselves in these communities. Now they even know that this is the Office of the Surveyor. This is the Office of the Housing Director. They are even known by their names. So I think it&#8217;s something that we&#8217;ve seen as a catalytic, it&#8217;s catalysing, it is trying to speak to what the project&#8217;s focus is on. </span></p>
<p><strong><span>Rosebella Apollo </span></strong><span>Perhaps Shiela, you&#8217;ve spoken rightly of the involvement of the City of Harare in the processes of the ISCCA project and the bigger reform around regularisation in Harare. I wonder, the Urban Informality Forum has transitioned from being in the university and formal spaces, and now you have brought it to the community. How has that landed? What kind of effects are we seeing in terms of that engagement with the community members, now that the Forum is closer to the community? </span></p>
<p><strong><span>Shiela Muganyi </span></strong><span>Thank you, Rosebella, for that. I think the first achievement for us is actually to bring the state, the ministry, or the minister of state to the ground. And meeting the community and exchanging, I can say, positive conversations. So this is one of our achievements, because it is very hard, especially to bring the ministry down to the people. And then secondly, like I said, the last that we had, it was on the 5th of December 2025. And this was focusing mainly on the designs of the Dzivarasekwa Extension road, which is very damaged by the floods, there are no proper drainage systems in the community. So at that time in December, it was raining in Harare. And so when they came, the roads were flooded, they could not even see where to step when they&#8217;re walking. So it was kind of something that had an impact. So the City of Harare and the ministry then came back after this meeting and also tried to have dialogues with the specific community. So there are road designs that are in place right now, and the City of Harare is also trying to help with this organisation that&#8217;s helping the City to put in place the designs. The designs are now there, but they are not yet approved. So it&#8217;s something that we are seeing, we are just waiting for the approval of the designs, and if they are there, then maybe we can now see how to support the community. Because Dzivarasekwa Extension has already started contributing savings towards the road. So they are just waiting maybe for the designs. And the other thing is that the community itself has had a meeting with their own councillor, the politicians of the community, the ones who also sometimes we say them, these, they call the shots. So they are always being part of the meetings that we hold with the communities. And so the last meeting that we had, the community then agreed to start cleaning wherever they are supposed to start. They started to do any other job that they are supposed to do in preparation for the main work. So this is what&#8217;s happening. And so I think just because of the commitment of the state themselves and the local authority in this and also their attendance in our meetings shows that at least we have some pathway.</span></p>
<p><strong><span>Chris Jordan </span></strong><span>And I&#8217;m also quite struck by the fact that in both projects, the Urban Informality Forum seems to have played a really crucial role in helping to bring together state, communities and researchers, and has played an important sort of catalytic first stage. Could you just tell us a little bit more about the Urban Informality Forum, George, and where it came from and how it operates? </span></p>
<p><strong><span>George Masimba </span></strong><span>Thank you very much, Chris, for the question. So the history of the Urban Informality Forum can be traced back to 2018, when we created this space together with our colleagues, the Development Governance Institute, ourselves, Dialogue on Shelter, Zimbabwe Homeless People&#8217;s Federation, the Shelter and Homage Trust and the University of Zimbabwe&#8217;s planning school. So the logic around creating this space, we looked at it as a learning and policy space, really. The logic being to create some platform that allows for neutral conversations, if I can put it that way, where communities, the state and civil society actors have got the opportunity to talk about what is not working within the city, without necessarily pointing fingers at each other. So we thought the university as a convening space allowed us to engage in these less contested conversations around how do we think of, how do make our cities work, what is needed in terms of policies for our cities to work? So that&#8217;s when we established that space and we would identify themes of interest related to informality, various themes of interest related to informality. For example, issues to do with participatory slum upgrading were discussed in some of the earlier seminars. Issues to do with climate change, climate resilience have been discussed. Issues to do with evictions also, stuff that would not normally be conversed with the state and communities on the same table. But we created this platform that allowed people to reflect on their experiences of the city, particularly from an informality lens, if you want. And to date, we have held plus or minus 15 sessions or seminars that have seen officials from the local government, central government, making presentations alongside communities and academics in terms of what needs to be done to make our cities more inclusive, more sustainable and more resilient. And like Shiela indicated, we have also over the last years extended the geography to informal settlements, where all these challenges that we are talking about are being faced. So getting your academics, students also from the universities and officials from the state to get a chance of having this first-hand experience with some of these challenges that communities are encountering in their settlements. But I think one of the most important aspects that has come out of this space is creating that enabling environment where communities can interact with the state without necessarily throwing accusations at each other. A space that allows to present some learnings, ideas from other jurisdictions in terms of what has been tested, what has worked elsewhere, and how it can be adapted in our own local context and come up with solutions that are not only inclusive, but solutions that provide lasting solutions to the challenges that communities are facing. So, that&#8217;s the history of the Urban Informality Forum in Harare, and we think we are not there yet, but so far we are very excited about the progress that we have registered through this platform that we call Urban Informality Forum. </span></p>
<p><strong><span>Chris Jordan </span></strong><span>That&#8217;s really interesting to hear and I know you&#8217;ve inspired lots of other ACRC city teams, our colleagues in Lagos are looking at the moment about how they might be able to set up something similar. Do you think it is an approach that might be useful across other African cities? </span></p>
<p><strong><span>George Masimba </span></strong><span>Yeah, I think it&#8217;s an approach that might be very useful in other African cities and it resonates with the approach and logic within ACRC which encourages collaborations between universities, civil society organisations, communities and the state. So I&#8217;m imagining, given the the kind of partners or stakeholders that we have under ACRC, where we have different higher institutions of learning collaborating with civil society organisations, it would be very easy to replicate, but of course adapt based on some of the contextual realities in the different cities, under ACRC. I&#8217;m imagining that it&#8217;s a concept and approach that can be easily replicated elsewhere and provide opportunities for pushing and advancing inclusive urban reforms in African cities. </span></p>
<p><strong><span>Rosebella Apollo </span></strong><span>Perhaps, George, you have rightfully stated that the context across African cities really differs and might be different. Should other cities be interested in setting up, what are some of like the quick reflections around the basics that they need to do to get an Urban Informality Forum? </span></p>
<p><strong><span>George Masimba </span></strong><span>Thank you very much, Rosebella. I think I will refer to an article that I wrote last year that speaks to our experiences around the Open Informality Forum. And I think one of the things that I would do, think is important, it relates to the geography, where you convene these seminars, matters. And we started with the university, we think that was very strategic, because it provides that neutrality in terms of enabling conducive engagements to be undertaken between different parties around inclusive urban reforms. That&#8217;s one. Then two, I think it&#8217;s also about how you ensure that you deal with power dynamics around ensuring that community voices are given an opportunity to be highlighted and amplified in these spaces, because you risk excluding communities, bringing them on board but excluding them at the same time, if you are not careful about the issue to do or respond to power dynamics that come with the different stakeholders that we are talking about. So that&#8217;s the second thing, that sensitivity to power-related issues. Then three, there is also need to take into account the urban politics of the city. I think there&#8217;s need to be conscious of the dynamics related to the urban politics of each and every given city that you are working in, so that you also approach the space in ways that will enable meaningful, honest conversations, that will give rise to the inclusive urban reforms that we are talking about. So that element is also key in terms of for those cities that may be interested in experimenting with this idea. But I should also hasten to point out, a lot will also depend on what organically emerges from these processes in terms of what should be the best pathway for establishing a sustainable platform for honest engagement among different parties around urbanism. </span></p>
<p><strong><span>Chris Jordan </span></strong><span>Well, it will be fascinating to see whether any of the other ACRC cities can get something similarly effective going. So we will track that carefully. And I&#8217;ll make sure that that paper that you mentioned is linked down in the show notes. And it is also part of a wider special issue on reform coalitions that covers a lot of the ground and a lot the issues that we&#8217;ve been talking about more broadly today. But yeah I just want to say, George and Shiela, thank you so much for joining us today, thank you for sharing your insights. Rosebella, thank you as well. </span></p>
<p><strong><span>Rosebella Apollo </span></strong><span>Thank you very much. It&#8217;s been an insightful conversation. </span></p>
<p><strong><span>Chris Jordan </span></strong><span>And we will look on with care to see what happens next in Harare. Good luck guys! </span></p>
<p><strong><span>George Masimba </span></strong><span>Thank you, Chris, thank you, Rosebella, for having us here. Bye! </span></p>
<p><strong><span>Outro</span></strong><span> You have been listening to the African Cities Podcast. Remember to subscribe for more urban development insights and interviews from the African Cities Research Consortium.</span></p></div>
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				<div class="et_pb_text_inner"><p><strong>Header photo credit</strong>: Dialogue on Shelter Trust. An informal settlement resident engaging city officials at an environment and climate policy consultation in Harare.</p></div>
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			</div><p>The post <a href="https://www.african-cities.org/podcast-urban-markets-informality-and-climate-resilience-in-harare/">Podcast: Urban markets, informality and climate resilience in Harare</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.african-cities.org">ACRC</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Is soil filling a solution to flooding in Kampala’s Ggaba Market?</title>
		<link>https://www.african-cities.org/is-soil-filling-a-solution-to-flooding-in-kampalas-ggaba-market/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Hannah]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Thu, 26 Mar 2026 07:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Action research]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Commentary]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Kampala]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Research]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[African cities]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[climate change]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[informal settlements]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[markets]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[urban development]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://www.african-cities.org/?p=9096</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Ggaba Market, located on the shores of Lake Victoria in Makindye Division, Kampala, is one of the city’s most lucrative markets for fish, fresh produce and basic essentials. For years, the market has battled with seasonal flooding, most significantly in 2021.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.african-cities.org/is-soil-filling-a-solution-to-flooding-in-kampalas-ggaba-market/">Is soil filling a solution to flooding in Kampala’s Ggaba Market?</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.african-cities.org">ACRC</a>.</p>]]></description>
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				<div class="et_pb_text_inner"><p><em><span>By Vivian Halerah Kangole, Nambi Inviolah, Nalubulwa Sumaiya and Nakigudde Saidat</span></em></p>
<p><span><strong><a href="https://www.african-cities.org/resilient-urban-markets-surprises-from-ggaba-market-fieldwork-in-kampala/">Ggaba Market</a>, located on the shores of Lake Victoria in Makindye Division, Kampala, is one of the city’s most lucrative markets for fish, fresh produce and basic essentials. For years, the market has battled with seasonal flooding, most significantly in 2021. Several factors – such as the rise in Lake Victoria water levels, underground springs, runoff water due to heavy rains and blocked drainage channels – were linked to flooding.</strong> </span></p>
<p><span>The blocked drainage creates small lagoons of water within the market, causing vendors to shift to alternative spaces. A young female vendor who had a well-established silver-fish (<em>mukene</em>) stall in the middle of the market was forced to move. She said, “The flood destroyed my stall, and I now have no permanent stall to work from. I must wake up early and find space on the ground to lay my foodstuffs and start working.”</span></p>
<h2><span style="font-family: din2014; font-weight: normal;"><strong>What is soil filling?</strong></span></h2>
<p><span>Walking around the market, piles of small and big murram soils – a mixture of gravel, sand and clay – are evident. These are a temporary solution, commonly known as “soil filling”, to address the mini-flooding across the market. Vendors who operate along the market pathways mobilise each other to purchase murram soil, in order to cover the waterlogged surfaces to ease access to the market. As a result, vendors believe raising the ground surface level will prevent flooding.</span></p>
<p><span>But is soil filling a solution to flooding or just a temporary bandage, potentially leading to a worse situation?</span></p>
<h2><span style="font-family: din2014; font-weight: normal;"><strong>How reliable and effective is soil filling?</strong></span></h2>
<p><span>In the context of Ggaba Market, soil filling has offered temporary relief from stagnant water. It has created a clean, levelled ground to work on and made navigation easier for customers and vendors.</span></p>
<p><span>Another vendor of fresh produce says, “When it floods, roads become slippery and the market becomes inaccessible, and we end up not working because sometimes the water rises up to the ankle level … No customer is ready to risk walking on a slippery surface, most customers opt for alternative markets, like Kibuye.”</span></p>
<p><span>Vendors’ beliefs around soil filling seem to be valid in terms of providing a safe work environment and customer motivation. On the other hand, vendors at the centre of the market face a dilemma, since soil filling was not affordable to them, and stalls on lower ground suffered more from the consequences of flooding than those on higher ground.</span></p>
<h2><span style="font-family: din2014; font-weight: normal;"><strong>Is there cause to worry?</strong></span></h2>
<p><span>Ggaba Market lies on a slope, making it more prone to erosion. Merely placing soil on the ground surface without compaction means continuously refilling. Compaction work is needed to ensure that roads and pathways are firm and stable, but this practice has led to narrowed access roads, making movement in and around the market difficult.</span></p>
<p>Manda <span>Road (which translates to “Charcoal Road”) used to </span>provide direct access to the charcoal section of the market<span>. But it has now narrowed to such an extent that heavy vehicles are unable to transport timber and charcoal directly to the stalls. Instead, vendors incur extra costs to pay labourers to offload and carry goods to the stalls. The narrowing of paths has also created congestion in the market and blocked emergency access routes for ambulances and fire engines, which may lead to future disasters and safety hazards.</span></p>
<p><span>We also discovered that vendors at the fish fillet section had collaboratively constructed a wood and timber platform over the drainage channel and the flooded areas, creating a deck designed to keep their workspace above the knee-level rising water. Debris, waste and mud eventually became trapped underneath this platform, reducing the space needed for water to flow. This adaptation – an effort to make the market safe for normal operations – would in effect seal off the market’s main drainage channel.</span><span> </span></p>
<h2><span style="font-family: din2014; font-weight: normal;"><strong>Survival or progress?</strong></span></h2>
<p><span>The issue of flooding in Ggaba Market is not merely about water, mud or makeshift piles of murram soil. It reflects a larger, structural failure that has pushed vendors to engineer temporary solutions in a space that should be safe and functional. Soil filling, wooden platforms and narrow roads are not a sign of a market trying to progress but symptoms of a market trying to survive without adequate support.</span></p>
<p><span>It is becoming clear that flooding in Ggaba is not only an environmental challenge but also a governance concern. Vendors have taken the initiative to fix challenges at their own expense, despite existing leadership. These innovations, however admirable, should not be the default solution to a widespread market crisis. The authorities who are mandated to manage and maintain market infrastructure need to do their part. Otherwise, Ggaba Market and its vendors will remain stuck in a cycle of recurring vulnerabilities and temporary fixes for survival. </span></p></div>
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				<div class="et_pb_text_inner"><p><strong>Header photo credit</strong>: Ggaba action research team. Market vendors undertaking a soil filling activity to rid stagnant water.</p></div>
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			</div><p>The post <a href="https://www.african-cities.org/is-soil-filling-a-solution-to-flooding-in-kampalas-ggaba-market/">Is soil filling a solution to flooding in Kampala’s Ggaba Market?</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.african-cities.org">ACRC</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Uncovering the hidden dynamics of solid waste management in Mathare, Nairobi</title>
		<link>https://www.african-cities.org/uncovering-the-hidden-dynamics-of-solid-waste-management-in-mathare-nairobi/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Hannah]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Thu, 26 Mar 2026 07:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Action research]]></category>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://www.african-cities.org/?p=9112</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Informal waste workers are the unseen backbone of Nairobi’s waste value chain. Moving from households to dumpsites, then to recyclers, farmers, businesses and other end users, they keep solid waste flowing – filling the gaps left by formal systems.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.african-cities.org/uncovering-the-hidden-dynamics-of-solid-waste-management-in-mathare-nairobi/">Uncovering the hidden dynamics of solid waste management in Mathare, Nairobi</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.african-cities.org">ACRC</a>.</p>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div class="et_pb_section et_pb_section_12 et_section_regular" >
				
				
				
				
				
				
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				<div class="et_pb_text_inner"><p><strong>Informal waste workers are the unseen backbone of Nairobi’s waste value chain. Moving from households to dumpsites, then to recyclers, farmers, businesses and other end users, they keep solid waste flowing – filling the gaps left by formal systems.</strong></p>
<p>In ACRC’s initial foundation phase research, we identified inadequate solid waste management as a <a href="https://www.african-cities.org/publications/working-paper-24/">key systemic challenge</a> in Nairobi, which particularly impacts the city’s informal settlements. Waste from other parts of the city often ends up dumped in lower income areas, creating environmental and health hazards for residents.</p>
<p>Taking this forward, Nairobi’s community research team lead, <strong>Wavinya Mutua</strong>, set out to better understand the dynamics of solid waste management across the Mathare subcounty. Rather than relying on traditional methods, the goal was to generate a body of community-held knowledge about waste flows in Mathare. Informal waste workers planned, collected and analysed the data, before determining next steps.</p>
<p>A new research report explores the creation of the community-led research strategy, the multiple informal actors involved in the different stages of Mathare’s waste value chain, the crucial political dynamics underpinning the operation of dumpsites and holding grounds, and recommendations for further research to expand knowledge of Nairobi’s informal circular economy.</p>
<p>Key takeaways from the research report include:</p>
<p style="padding-left: 40px;"><strong>1. Community knowledge is a vital research tool for understanding how urban systems operate. </strong>It allows for the complexities of Mathare’s waste value chain to be understood in ways that conventional datasets miss and ensures that those directly affected by urban issues are actively involved in the research process. Employing waste workers as co-researchers and learning from their lived experiences creates a far more accurate picture of local dynamics and how different systems interact.</p>
<p style="padding-left: 40px;"><strong>2. A huge gap exists between waste generation and removal in Mathare. </strong><span style="font-size: 18px;">Of the 169 tonnes of waste generated daily in Mathare, only 57% is collected. Most of this collected waste ends up in the subcounty’s holding grounds, before eventually being transferred to the Dandora landfill. Waste collection alone therefore does not remove the environmental burden borne by the subcounty. The remaining 43% of waste ends up flowing into illegal dumpsites or “dumping hotspots”, often clogging drainage systems, sewers and the Mathare River.</span></p>
<p style="padding-left: 40px;"><strong>3. An informal waste industrial complex has emerged to fill gaps in government services. </strong><span style="font-size: 18px;">Although not sufficient to deal with the scale of the problem, the informal waste system acts as a critical substitute for municipal services and provides thousands of waste workers with low-level incomes. It includes a diverse range of actors – from waste pickers to aggregators – who drive an informal circular economy by reclaiming and recycling materials usually ignored by formal systems.</span></p>
<p style="padding-left: 40px;"><strong>4. Government waste policies are often counterproductive, prioritising compliance over infrastructure. </strong><span style="font-size: 18px;">In treating illegal dumping as a compliance issue instead of a service failure, the Nairobi City County Government (NCCG) tends to penalise informal waste workers, rather than addressing deficits in its waste management infrastructure. The government effectively punishes these informal workers for what can be understood as rational adaptations to a persistent, systemic issue.</span></p>
<p style="padding-left: 40px;"><strong>5. Informal settlements bear the burden of Nairobi’s broader waste issues. </strong>Waste flow dynamics are complex and heavily influenced by administrative boundaries and cross-border movements. Valuable commercial waste from wealthier areas of Nairobi flows into Mathare’s dumpsites, leaving the informal settlement to manage large volumes of waste without the necessary financial or operational support from the city.</p>
<p>Building on both ACRC’s foundational research in Nairobi and the community-led solid waste research captured in this report, <a href="https://www.african-cities.org/creating-the-conditions-for-change-in-mathare-informal-settlement-nairobi/">an action research project led by SDI Kenya</a> is currently underway in Nairobi’s Mathare informal settlements – aimed at improving holistic waste management and establishing productive public spaces.</p>
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				<a class="et_pb_button et_pb_button_0 et_pb_bg_layout_light" href="https://www.african-cities.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/ACRC_Mathare-solid-waste_Research-report_March-2026.pdf" target="_blank" data-icon="&#x35;">Read the full report</a>
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				<div class="et_pb_text_inner"><p><strong>Header photo credit</strong>: Nairobi co-research team.</p></div>
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				<div class="et_pb_text_inner"><p><em>Note: This article presents the views of the authors featured and does not necessarily represent the views of the African Cities Research Consortium as a whole.</em></p>
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			</div><p>The post <a href="https://www.african-cities.org/uncovering-the-hidden-dynamics-of-solid-waste-management-in-mathare-nairobi/">Uncovering the hidden dynamics of solid waste management in Mathare, Nairobi</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.african-cities.org">ACRC</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Watch: Water, sanitation and dignity in Mukuru Viwandani</title>
		<link>https://www.african-cities.org/watch-water-sanitation-and-dignity-in-mukuru-viwandani/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Hannah]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sat, 28 Feb 2026 07:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://www.african-cities.org/?p=9030</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>A new video showcases the power of collaboration between government, civil society organisations, development partners and local communities in delivering transformative and inclusive water and sanitation services to marginalised residents of the Mukuru informal settlements in Nairobi.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.african-cities.org/watch-water-sanitation-and-dignity-in-mukuru-viwandani/">Watch: Water, sanitation and dignity in Mukuru Viwandani</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.african-cities.org">ACRC</a>.</p>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div class="et_pb_section et_pb_section_17 et_section_regular" >
				
				
				
				
				
				
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				<div class="et_pb_text_inner"><p><strong>A new video showcases the power of collaboration between government, civil society organisations, development partners and local communities in delivering transformative and inclusive water and sanitation services to marginalised residents of the Mukuru informal settlements in Nairobi.</strong></p>
<p><span>It highlights the successful expansion of the <a href="https://www.african-cities.org/systems-change-for-water-and-sanitation-in-informal-settlements-the-mukuru-special-planning-area/">water and sanitation project in Mukuru Viwandani</a> – through innovative approaches such as simplified sewer systems (SSS), prepaid water dispensers (PPDs) and a community-delegated management model.</span></p>
<p><span>First identified during the <a href="https://african-cities-database.org/urc-record-index/mukuru-spa/">Mukuru Special Planning Area</a> process as being suitable for informal urban settings, these solutions were piloted in Mukuru Kwa Reuben, and later scaled to seven villages with proven effectiveness.</span></p>
<p>With financial support from ACRC, Akiba Mashinani Trust (AMT) partnered with the Nairobi City County Government (NCCG), Nairobi City Water and Sewerage Company (NCWSC) and local communities to extend SSS and PPDs to Mukuru Viwandani, where residents had waited five years for improved services.</p>
<p>Lessons learned from implementation in Kwa Reuben significantly strengthened the roll-out in Viwandani. This expansion has since enabled access to water and sewerage services for approximately 8,000 households in the settlement.</p>
<p>Watch the video here:</p></div>
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				<div class="et_pb_video_box"><iframe title="Water, sanitation and dignity: The Mukuru Viwandani transformation" width="1080" height="608" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/hxGoz-flkDU?feature=oembed"  allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture; web-share" referrerpolicy="strict-origin-when-cross-origin" allowfullscreen></iframe></div>
				
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				<div class="et_pb_text_inner"><p>With many thanks to the following contributors for their invaluable support and collaboration to the water and sanitation project:<span></span></p>
<ul>
<li><strong>The Mukuru community</strong>, for their active participation and support throughout the project</li>
<li><strong>The AMT team</strong>, for their dedication and commitment</li>
<li><strong>The NCWSC technical and social teams</strong>, for overseeing and supporting the implementation</li>
<li><strong>NCCG</strong>, for providing overall coordination and leadership</li>
<li><strong>The Know Your City TV (KYCTV) team, led by SDI Kenya</strong>, for filming and producing the video</li>
</ul>
<h3><strong><span style="font-size: 18px; font-family: din2014;">Video credits</span></strong></h3>
<p><span>Produced by: Know Your City TV Kenya and SDI Kenya<br /></span><span>Videographers: Jarvis Kasndi and Rholinx Otieno</span><span><br /></span><span>Additional footage: Peris Saleh</span><span><br /></span><span>Editor: Jarvis Kasndi</span><span><br /></span><span>Scriptwriting and voiceover: Sarah Ouma</span></p></div>
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				<div class="et_pb_text_inner"><p><strong>Header photo credit</strong>: Know Your City TV Kenya</p></div>
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				<div class="et_pb_text_inner"><p><em>Note: This article presents the views of the author featured and does not necessarily represent the views of the African Cities Research Consortium as a whole.</em></p>
<p><em>The African Cities blog is licensed under <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International</a> (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), which means you are welcome to repost this content as long as you provide full credit and a link to this original post. </em></p></div>
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			</div><p>The post <a href="https://www.african-cities.org/watch-water-sanitation-and-dignity-in-mukuru-viwandani/">Watch: Water, sanitation and dignity in Mukuru Viwandani</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.african-cities.org">ACRC</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Awareness of youth programmes in Uganda is high – so why is participation so low?</title>
		<link>https://www.african-cities.org/awareness-of-youth-programmes-in-uganda-is-high-so-why-is-participation-so-low/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Hannah]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Thu, 29 Jan 2026 07:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://www.african-cities.org/?p=8980</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Across Uganda, awareness of government youth programmes is impressively high, but youth participation remains stubbornly low. Our recent study sought to understand why knowing about these programmes does not necessarily translate into active participation.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.african-cities.org/awareness-of-youth-programmes-in-uganda-is-high-so-why-is-participation-so-low/">Awareness of youth programmes in Uganda is high – so why is participation so low?</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.african-cities.org">ACRC</a>.</p>]]></description>
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				<div class="et_pb_text_inner"><p><em>By Ahimbisibwe Paul and Elisha Seddugge, researchers in ACRC Kampala’s urban youth action research project</em></p>
<p><strong>Across Uganda, awareness of government youth programmes – such as the <a href="https://ict.go.ug/programs/parish-development-model">Parish Development Model</a> (PDM), <a href="https://businesstimesug.com/emyooga-sparks-economic-transformation-in-uganda/"><em>Emyooga</em></a> and various livelihood initiatives – is impressively high. Yet youth participation remains stubbornly low.</strong></p>
<p>These programmes are primarily aimed at improving young people’s skills, as well as increasing access to economic and development opportunities. Our recent study sought to understand why knowing about these programmes does not necessarily translate into active participation.</p>
<h2><span style="font-family: din2014; font-weight: normal;"><strong>The information gap: Awareness without access</strong></span></h2>
<p>Our study findings show that the flow of information about youth development programmes is <em>multi-layered and often indirect</em>. Instead of reaching young people directly, information travels through multiple intermediaries – including local leaders, community agents, peers and social networks. While this structure helps to ensure cultural and community legitimacy, it also slows down the flow of accurate and timely information.</p>
<p>We identified two main information pathways: vertical (top-down) and horizontal (peer-to-peer). For a clear understanding of the gap, the layers can be categorised within these two pathways, as presented in the figure below.</p></div>
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				<span class="et_pb_image_wrap "><img fetchpriority="high" decoding="async" width="1200" height="1200" src="https://www.african-cities.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/Kampala-youth-pathways.png" alt="" title="Kampala youth pathways" srcset="https://www.african-cities.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/Kampala-youth-pathways.png 1200w, https://www.african-cities.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/Kampala-youth-pathways-980x980.png 980w, https://www.african-cities.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/Kampala-youth-pathways-480x480.png 480w" sizes="(min-width: 0px) and (max-width: 480px) 480px, (min-width: 481px) and (max-width: 980px) 980px, (min-width: 981px) 1200px, 100vw" class="wp-image-8984" /></span>
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				<div class="et_pb_text_inner"><p>Hierarchical information flow pathways on development programmes among youth</p></div>
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				<div class="et_pb_text_inner"><h2><span style="font-family: din2014; font-weight: normal;"><strong>The vertical (top-down) pathway</strong></span></h2>
<p>Information usually starts with programme implementers – government agencies, such as the Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA) and the PDM Secretariat, and non-governmental actors like Uganda Youth Development Link (UYDEL), Tiko and religious institutions. These institutions rely heavily on local community leaders – local council youth group leaders, religious and cultural heads – to relay messages to their communities.</p>
<p>This approach leverages trust. Local people tend to believe their community leaders more than outsiders, as one female programme implementer explained:</p>
<p style="padding-left: 40px;">“When we have outreaches, we reach out to the local and youth leaders first. They understand their people, and when they speak, the youth listen. Otherwise, if they don’t know you, they think you’re a <em>mufere</em> (conman).”</p>
<p>Community members echoed similar sentiments during focus group discussions:</p>
<p style="padding-left: 40px;">“We normally get this information through our chairman or church leaders – they always tell the truth.” (Female, Katwe)</p>
<p style="padding-left: 40px;">“Our youth councillor told us about the skilling programme. He came door to door looking for girls interested in tailoring, bakery and hairdressing.” (Female, Kisenyi)</p>
<p>While this process builds legitimacy, it also limits reach and speed. Information is often shared using megaphones, community radios or word of mouth, which are effective but time-bound and localised. By the time information reaches many young people, deadlines have often passed or details have become diluted.</p>
<p>As one focus group respondent put it:</p>
<p style="padding-left: 40px;">“There is a lady who moves with a megaphone passing information. Whenever she does, we know it’s true – but it happens rarely.” (Female, Katwe)</p>
<h2><span style="font-family: din2014; font-weight: normal;"><strong>The horizontal (peer-to-peer) pathway</strong></span></h2>
<p>The peer-to-peer or horizontal information flow occurs when young people share opportunities among friends, neighbours or group members. This method is fast, informal and widely trusted – especially when it happens via WhatsApp groups, phone calls and everyday interactions.</p>
<p style="padding-left: 40px;">“It’s my friend who told me about the programme. We look out for each other.” (Male, Ggaba)</p>
<p>This pathway is powerful for spreading awareness, but less reliable for detail. Information is often incomplete, outdated or distorted by the time it circulates widely. As a result, young people may know that a programme exists, but lack the “how, when and where” needed to participate effectively.</p>
<h2><span style="font-family: din2014; font-weight: normal;"><strong>Why awareness does not equal participation</strong></span></h2>
<p>The study concludes that the bureaucratic, multi-layered communication chain is the biggest barrier. By the time information trickles down from implementers to the grassroots, it is often late, diluted or missing key details. Youth at the “bottom” of the chain end up hearing about opportunities that have already passed.</p>
<p>Furthermore, structural barriers – such as political patronage, corruption, illiteracy and digital exclusion – limit equal access to credible information. The reliance on intermediaries makes it easy for gatekeeping and misinformation to thrive.</p>
<h2><span style="font-family: din2014; font-weight: normal;"><strong>The way forward: A centralised and inclusive information platform</strong></span></h2>
<p>Both vertical and horizontal pathways are important, but they should be complemented by a centralised, transparent information platform – such as a digital or community-based ‘youth opportunities portal’. Such a platform would enable all young people, regardless of background, to directly access up-to-date information on available programmes, eligibility criteria and deadlines.</p>
<p>A centralised system could also minimise political interference, ensure inclusivity and build trust between implementers and young people. Only then can high awareness translate into meaningful participation – and Uganda’s youth realise their full potential as agents of sustainable development.</p></div>
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			</div></p><p>The post <a href="https://www.african-cities.org/awareness-of-youth-programmes-in-uganda-is-high-so-why-is-participation-so-low/">Awareness of youth programmes in Uganda is high – so why is participation so low?</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.african-cities.org">ACRC</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Left in the dark: Understanding streetlighting provision challenges in Lagos and its informal settlements</title>
		<link>https://www.african-cities.org/left-in-the-dark-understanding-streetlighting-provision-challenges-in-lagos-and-its-informal-settlements/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Hannah]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 23 Jan 2026 07:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Action research]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Lagos]]></category>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://www.african-cities.org/?p=8952</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Safe streets make for safe cities, but a lack of lighting can exacerbate the everyday insecurity of urban residents. ACRC’s safety and security research in Lagos found the absence of streetlighting in low-income areas to be a key concern among residents, as the cover of darkness facilitates urban crime and makes law enforcement more difficult.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.african-cities.org/left-in-the-dark-understanding-streetlighting-provision-challenges-in-lagos-and-its-informal-settlements/">Left in the dark: Understanding streetlighting provision challenges in Lagos and its informal settlements</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.african-cities.org">ACRC</a>.</p>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><div class="et_pb_section et_pb_section_30 et_section_regular" >
				
				
				
				
				
				
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<p><strong>Safe streets make for safe cities, but a lack of lighting can exacerbate the everyday insecurity of urban residents. ACRC’s <a href="https://www.african-cities.org/new-paper-understanding-safety-and-security-in-african-cities/">safety and security research</a> in Lagos found the absence of streetlighting in low-income areas to be a key concern among residents, as the cover of darkness facilitates urban crime and makes law enforcement more difficult.</strong></p>
<p>Building on this, researchers have been looking into the condition of streetlighting in Lagos, conducting an in-depth assessment to better understand the provision, quality and impact of streetlighting in the city. With a focus on improving safety, security and livelihoods, they also aimed to uncover the challenges of streetlight provision in informal settlements.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.african-cities.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/ACRC_Lagos-streetlighting_Research-report_January-2026.pdf">A new research report</a> presents the findings from this study and offers a framework for examining the challenges and opportunities of streetlighting systems – especially around accessibility and impact in cities like Lagos, that are experiencing rapid urbanisation, crime and extreme poverty.</p>
<p>Highlighting successful initiatives to build streetlight infrastructure in Lagos and drive improvements at the community level, the research findings underline the potential for action research to pilot new models for catalysing urban reform in low-income areas.</p>
<h2><span style="font-family: din2014; font-weight: normal;"><strong>Key findings</strong></span></h2>
<p><strong>1. Multiple stakeholders are involved in the provision of streetlighting</strong>, operating across varying levels and including governments, the private sector, community groups and civil society organisations.</p>
<p><strong>2. Streetlighting takes various forms</strong>, from conventional, grid-based lights, powered by fossil fuels, to more sustainable solar streetlights that use LEDs.</p>
<p><strong>3. Decisive state action is needed to power streetlighting interventions in informal settlements</strong>, which have been largely left behind so far, but stand to benefit from improved streetlighting.</p>
<p><strong>4. Financial barriers and politically driven procurement are key challenges</strong>, along with limited resources and technical capacity, which must be addressed to improve streetlighting provision.</p>
<p><strong>5. Low-income communities across the city have come together to drive progress</strong>, enabling residents to achieve some level of streetlight infrastructure in their neighbourhoods by co-producing solutions with the state and NGOs.</p>
<h2><span style="font-family: din2014; font-weight: normal;"><strong>Light at the end of the tunnel?</strong></span></h2>
<p>As highlighted by the report, existing streetlighting infrastructure in Lagos is insufficient to meet the scale of the challenge. Solutions will only be found through inclusive engagements that push against established approaches to infrastructure development. Building on this, the authors recommend:</p>
<p style="padding-left: 40px;"><strong>&gt; Local communities need to be involved in planning and delivering urban infrastructures</strong>, to ensure the equitable distribution of benefits, with neighbourhoods shaped by the people and for the people.</p>
<p style="padding-left: 40px;"><strong>&gt; A proactive, transparent and collaborative management strategy is needed</strong> to address conflicting priorities among multiple stakeholders, while working towards shared goals of energy efficiency and improved public services.</p>
<p style="padding-left: 40px;"><strong>&gt; The state should create an enabling environment for investment in sustainable urban infrastructure</strong>, through reliable investment funding and a more robust regulatory framework for domestic energy production and solar markets.</p>
<p style="padding-left: 40px;"><strong>&gt; The state should move from broad, untargeted energy subsidies to targeted support for vulnerable households and informal communities</strong>, while actively promoting private-sector-led renewable energy solutions, especially for streetlighting and off-grid communities. </p>
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			</div></p><p>The post <a href="https://www.african-cities.org/left-in-the-dark-understanding-streetlighting-provision-challenges-in-lagos-and-its-informal-settlements/">Left in the dark: Understanding streetlighting provision challenges in Lagos and its informal settlements</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.african-cities.org">ACRC</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Unravelling a complex web: Electricity subsidy experiences in Kampala&#8217;s informal settlements</title>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Hannah]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 07 Jan 2026 07:05:00 +0000</pubDate>
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					<description><![CDATA[<p>Electricity subsidies may seem like a straightforward solution to the challenge of supplying electricity to Kampala’s informal settlements. However, the contextual realities of the electricity supply chain paints a slightly different story.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.african-cities.org/unravelling-a-complex-web-electricity-subsidy-experiences-in-kampalas-informal-settlements/">Unravelling a complex web: Electricity subsidy experiences in Kampala’s informal settlements</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.african-cities.org">ACRC</a>.</p>]]></description>
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				<div class="et_pb_text_inner"><p><em>By Jimmy Kanonya, community researcher in ACRC Kampala’s Electricity Access Subsidy Action Research (EASAR) project</em></p>
<p>Electricity subsidies – designed to enhance access to services for underserved communities, promote equity, curb illegal connections and empower low-income households – may seem like a straightforward solution to the challenge of supplying electricity to Kampala’s informal settlements. However, the nuances of Kampala’s informal settlements and the contextual realities of the electricity supply chain paint a slightly different story.</p>
<p>As part of ACRC’s Electricity Access Subsidy Action Research (EASAR) project in Kampala, our team explored the electricity supply and distribution value chains in the informal settlements of Nankulabye and Kisenyi III. They encountered a series of surprises that reveal the complexity of the issue, and highlight how well-intentioned programmes can become entangled in red tape and informal networks, making change impossible to achieve.</p>
<p>Our research forms part of a broader effort to tackle urban energy poverty, and aims at understanding why subsidies fail to reach those in most need. We discovered that, beyond simple barriers like cost or awareness, community preferences for quick, informal solutions clash with formal processes, creating a cycle of dependency and inefficiency.</p>
<p>Here, we break down the key surprises and look at what they mean for residents and policymakers.</p></div>
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				<span class="et_pb_image_wrap "><img decoding="async" width="675" height="1200" src="https://www.african-cities.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/Electricity-pole.jpg" alt="" title="Electricity pole" srcset="https://www.african-cities.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/Electricity-pole.jpg 675w, https://www.african-cities.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/Electricity-pole-480x853.jpg 480w" sizes="(min-width: 0px) and (max-width: 480px) 480px, (min-width: 481px) 675px, 100vw" class="wp-image-8809" /></span>
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				<div class="et_pb_text_inner"><p style="text-align: center;">An electricity pole in Kampala</p></div>
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				<div class="et_pb_text_inner"><h2><span style="font-family: din2014;"><strong>1. <em>Kamyufu</em> networks are more than meets the eye</strong></span></h2>
<p>“<em>Kamyufu</em>” might sound like local slang for a handy electrician who fixes wiring or hooks up power quickly for landlords, tenants or business owners in the informal settlements. But our findings paint a more intricate picture. <em>Kamyufu</em> is a sophisticated network of alternative service providers operating both vertically (from high-level suppliers to end-users) and horizontally (across community layers like neighbours and local leaders).</p>
<p>These networks position themselves as essential facilitators in the electricity value chain, from supply and connection to distribution and maintenance. For residents in Kisenyi and Nakulabye, turning to a <em>Kamyufu</em> often feels like the most viable option, as they are readily available to provide the service. Formal processes can be daunting, requiring residents to fill out subsidy applications or repair forms for faults, wait for approvals and navigate bureaucracy. In contrast, <em>Kamyufus</em> offer speed and accessibility at a friendly and negotiable cost. However, these fixtures are often non-standard and may pose safety risks to the <em>Kamyufus</em> and residents.</p></div>
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				<div class="et_pb_text_inner"><p>This setup thrives because it fills gaps in the formal electricity service delivery system. Government authorities and regulators sometimes downplay the reasons why locals prefer these informal routes, citing impatience or rule-breaking. Our research, however, shows that in complex urban environments, people prioritise reliability and urgency. For instance, a tenant might pay a <em>Kamyufu</em> a premium in order to avoid weeks without lighting, even if this means skirting official channels. This underscores how subsidies, while beneficial, can be undermined by embedded informal structures.</p></div>
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				<h3 class="et_pb_toggle_title">Case study | Too dark to wait: Two years without light in Nankulabye informal settlement</h3>
				<div class="et_pb_toggle_content clearfix"><p>Aisha, a 33-year-old mother of three, has lived in Nankulabye for over a decade, surviving on casual jobs. Inspired by women in her savings group, she decided to start a small business selling cold drinks from her house.</p>
<p>“I imagined my kids having school supplies, maybe even saving for a proper home one day.”</p>
<p>She took out a loan from her local microfinance group to buy a fridge, committing to monthly repayments. </p>
<p>As formal electricity connections are rare and expensive in Nankulabye, Aisha turned to the <em>Kamyufu</em>, who connected her quickly for a small fee.</p>
<p>“No paperwork, no waiting. I loaded the fridge with drinks, and sales started picking up. On good days, I’d make Ugx 50,000 in profit  – enough to cover the loan instalment and buy food for the family.”</p>
<p>But her business was badly impacted by the erratic illegal power supply.</p>
<p>“The power would go off without warning, sometimes for hours, sometimes days.”</p>
<p>Drinks spoiled in the heat and sales dipped. Faulty wiring also presented safety risks – “I’d hear stories of losing everything in a blaze started by bad connections” – and damaged her fridge compressor, leading to costly repairs.</p>
<p>At a community meeting, Aisha learned about the OBA scheme, a government initiative to provide affordable, legal connections to households.</p>
<p>“They talked about how it could transform small businesses like mine.”</p>
<p>She gathered the required documents: her national ID, proof of residence and a wiring certificate, paid the inspection fee and submitted her application through the Umeme (now UEDCL) office.</p>
<p>“I thought, finally, stable power! My fridge would run all day, sales would boom, and I’d pay off the loan faster.”</p>
<p>Officials assured her the process would take weeks, maybe months at most. </p>
<p>Two years later, despite following up countless times – visiting offices, calling hotlines, enlisting help from local leaders – she has no connection and no clear explanation.</p>
<p>“Sometimes they say ‘it’s in process’ or ‘wait for the next batch’, but nothing happens. I do not even know why. Is it funding? Corruption? Overloaded systems? No one tells me.”</p>
<p>Without reliable power, Aisha’s business has ground to a halt.</p>
<p>She has managed to earn enough from odd jobs to pay off the fridge loan. But the victory feels hollow.</p>
<p>“I scrimped and saved, sometimes skipping meals … That fridge was supposed to lift us up – better nutrition for the kids, more money for school fees, maybe even expanding the shop. Now it is just taking up space. If they can’t connect us after two years, what’s the point of applying?”</p>
<p>Nevertheless, she says, “If the connection comes tomorrow, I’d start again”.</p></div>
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				<div class="et_pb_text_inner"><h2><span style="font-family: din2014;"><strong>2. Subsidised connections and the barriers of complexity</strong></span></h2>
<p>Electricity subsidies are publicised as gamechangers: reducing illegal connections, lowering costs and boosting socioeconomic opportunities. In theory, they help households afford legal, safe power, enabling everything from running small businesses to studying after dark. Yet, our study revealed that accessing these subsidies is often a labyrinthine process.</p>
<p>In some parts of Kisenyi and Nakulabye, an entire community missed out on subsidies, due to powerbroker networks. Brokers position themselves as “helpers”, charging unofficial fees to “expedite” applications or connections, and often colluding with official utility installers. What starts as a free or low-cost government programme ends up burdened by hidden costs, eroding trust and participation. Residents shared stories of endless paperwork, unclear requirements, and delays that push them back into informal connection.</p>
<p>This complexity is not just frustrating – it is a barrier to equity. Low-income households, already stretched thin, find the formal path too convoluted, leading them to opt for <em>Kamyufus</em>, despite the risks. Our findings highlight a need to simplify processes – clearer guidelines, community-led outreach and safeguards against exploitation could make subsidies truly accessible.</p></div>
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				<span class="et_pb_image_wrap "><img decoding="async" width="1200" height="800" src="https://www.african-cities.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/Community-co-design-sessions.jpg" alt="" title="Community co-design sessions" srcset="https://www.african-cities.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/Community-co-design-sessions.jpg 1200w, https://www.african-cities.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/Community-co-design-sessions-980x653.jpg 980w, https://www.african-cities.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/Community-co-design-sessions-480x320.jpg 480w" sizes="(min-width: 0px) and (max-width: 480px) 480px, (min-width: 481px) and (max-width: 980px) 980px, (min-width: 981px) 1200px, 100vw" class="wp-image-8808" /></span>
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				<div class="et_pb_text_inner"><p>A community co-design session</p></div>
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				<div class="et_pb_text_inner"><h2><span style="font-family: din2014; font-weight: normal;"><strong>What this means for Kampala’s urban landscape</strong></span></h2>
<p>These insights illustrate the existential complexity of urban informal settlements, with interconnected issues of governance, economics and social dynamics that defy simple fixes. Government actors often focus on the supply side – building infrastructure and rolling out subsidies. But without addressing the horizontal (community networks) and vertical (institutional layers) complexities, these efforts fall short.</p>
<p>For residents, informal connections might provide quick power, but they come with the risk of fire, electrocution and unstable supply – as alluded to by respondents during the action research (see case study above). Subsidies could break this cycle, but only if they are disentangled from broker networks.</p>
<p>A holistic, collaboratively produced approach is needed, which engages communities in design, regulates informal actors and streamlines distribution to ensure subsidies reach those targeted.</p>
<p>Overall, these findings point towards the need for adaptive strategies. Policymakers could pilot community-vetted application processes or integrate regulated <em>Kamyufu</em> roles to harness their networks positively. For community agency, awareness campaigns are key to demystifying subsidies, in order to provide broader choices for the residents.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.african-cities.org/mapping-electricity-access-in-kampalas-informal-settlements-kamyufus-subsidies-and-community-perceptions/">&gt; Read more about <em>Kamyufus</em> and community perceptions of them in Kampala&#8217;s informal settlements</a></p></div>
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				<div class="et_pb_text_inner"><p><em>Note: This article presents the views of the authors featured and does not necessarily represent the views of the African Cities Research Consortium as a whole.</em></p>
<p><em>Declaration on use of generative AI: </em><em>Grok 4 (xAI), accessed via grok.com between October–November 2025, was used to assist with structuring ideas, suggesting phrasing and light editing. All findings, fieldwork data, quotations, and conclusions are the author’s own. The final text was reviewed and approved by the author.</em></p>
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			</div><p>The post <a href="https://www.african-cities.org/unravelling-a-complex-web-electricity-subsidy-experiences-in-kampalas-informal-settlements/">Unravelling a complex web: Electricity subsidy experiences in Kampala’s informal settlements</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.african-cities.org">ACRC</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Mapping electricity access in Kampala’s informal settlements: Kamyufus, subsidies and community perceptions</title>
		<link>https://www.african-cities.org/mapping-electricity-access-in-kampalas-informal-settlements-kamyufus-subsidies-and-community-perceptions/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Hannah]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 07 Jan 2026 07:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Action research]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Commentary]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Kampala]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Research]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[African cities]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[electricity]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[informal settlements]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[urban development]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://www.african-cities.org/?p=8804</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Through our research into the electricity supply and distribution value chains in Kampala’s informal settlements, we are trying to learn more about why electricity subsidies fail to reach those in most need – and the alternatives that residents turn to, in order to gain access to power.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.african-cities.org/mapping-electricity-access-in-kampalas-informal-settlements-kamyufus-subsidies-and-community-perceptions/">Mapping electricity access in Kampala’s informal settlements: Kamyufus, subsidies and community perceptions</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.african-cities.org">ACRC</a>.</p>]]></description>
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				<div class="et_pb_text_inner"><p><em>By Jimmy Kanonya, community researcher in ACRC Kampala’s Electricity Access Subsidy Action Research (EASAR) project</em></p>
<p>Informal settlements in Kampala are home to approximately 60% of 2.3 million residents. Despite numerous interventions, access to electricity remains a critical challenge in these settlements. Electricity outages disrupt security and livelihoods. Many inhabitants face barriers to formal electricity connection, leading to widespread reliance on illegal alternatives.</p>
<p><a href="https://ui.adsabs.harvard.edu/link_gateway/2022ERCom...4l5008Y/doi:10.1088/2515-7620/aca9ad">A 2022 report</a> revealed that a significant number of informal settlement residents are participating in unauthorised electricity connections. This practice not only leads to substantial financial losses for service providers but also diminishes government revenues and poses serious risks to the safety and wellbeing of users.</p>
<p>Through <a href="https://www.african-cities.org/unravelling-a-complex-web-electricity-subsidy-experiences-in-kampalas-informal-settlements/">our research into the electricity supply and distribution value chains in Kampala’s informal settlements</a>, we are trying to learn more about why electricity subsidies fail to reach those in most need – and the alternatives that residents turn to, in order to gain access to power.</p></div>
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				<span class="et_pb_image_wrap "><img decoding="async" width="600" height="800" src="https://www.african-cities.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/Transmission-lines.jpg" alt="" title="Transmission lines" srcset="https://www.african-cities.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/Transmission-lines.jpg 600w, https://www.african-cities.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/Transmission-lines-480x640.jpg 480w" sizes="(min-width: 0px) and (max-width: 480px) 480px, (min-width: 481px) 600px, 100vw" class="wp-image-8834" /></span>
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				<div class="et_pb_text_inner"><p style="text-align: center;">Transmission lines and poles in Kampala</p></div>
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				<div class="et_pb_text_inner"><h2><strong><span style="font-family: din2014;">Communities&#8217; experiences with electricity in Kampala</span> </strong></h2>
<p>Many residents expressed varying experiences and frustrations when it came to electricity connectivity. Many reported inheriting connections from previous eras, such as during Uganda Electricity Board’s (UEB&#8217;s) tenure, only to face disruptions with subsequent providers.</p>
<p>According to some community members, applications for formal connections through Umeme – now Uganda Electricity Distribution Company Limited (UEDCL) – can take months or even years to process, leaving residents without timely access to much-needed power. Along with frequent delays to connection processes, exorbitant costs and discrepancies in unit (tariff) allocations continue to exacerbate electricity access among households.</p>
<p>Besides these challenges, some community members do appreciate progress being made with electricity access, including the installation of prepaid “Yaka” meters, which enhance users’ control of the power.</p>
<p>As residents navigate the complexities of accessing electricity in Kampala’s settlements, some inevitably turn to <em>Kamyufus</em> as an integral alternative service provider.</p></div>
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				<div class="et_pb_text_inner"><p>Besides these challenges, some community members do appreciate progress being made with electricity access, including the installation of prepaid “Yaka” meters, which enhance users’ control of the power.</p>
<p>As residents navigate the complexities of accessing electricity in Kampala’s settlements, some inevitably turn to <em>Kamyufus</em> as an integral alternative service provider.</p>
<h2><span style="font-family: din2014; font-weight: normal;"><strong><em>Kamyufus</em></strong><strong> and their role in electricity access </strong></span></h2>
<p>The term “<em>Kamyufu</em>” refers to a network of informal electricians or illegal connectors who facilitate unauthorised access to electricity. <em>Kamyufus</em> acquire electrical skills through practical experience, such as observing licensed technicians or experience working in the electricity sector. In some cases, they are former employees of utility companies, who were either laid off or have transitioned to independent practice.</p>
<p><em>Kamyufus</em> are integral to the ecosystem of illegal electricity access in informal settlements. While often labelled as criminals, they are tolerated, protected by the community and even sought after by residents because they address electricity service provision gaps such as delays in electricity connections.</p>
<h2><strong><span style="font-family: din2014;">Community perceptions on <em>Kamyufus</em>: Benefactors or opportunists?</span> </strong></h2>
<p>Communities hold divergent views on <em>Kamyufus</em>. On one hand, they are criticised for engaging in rentseeking behaviours – withholding information and exploiting vulnerable residents. Their clandestine methods typically involve tapping into existing legal electricity lines or creating makeshift connections without proper authorisation.</p>
<p>However, <em>Kamyufus</em> have undeniably filled a service gap, bridging electricity access to households overlooked by formal systems. Some community members view them as community-embedded helpers, while others suspect collusion with formal entities. This duality underscores the complex socioeconomic dynamics in service provision and access in informal settlements, where necessity often overrides legality.</p></div>
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				<div class="et_pb_text_inner"><h2><strong><span style="font-family: din2014;">Challenges and risks associated with illegal connections</span> </strong></h2>
<p>The involvement of <em>Kamyufus</em> introduces significant risks. A lack of formal training and oversight means that improper installations have led to property damage, fires caused by poor wiring and even fatalities. Wires are frequently routed unsafely under houses or through trenches, exacerbating electrocution and fire hazards.</p>
<p>In the event of an accident, affected residents often find themselves without recourse through official channels. Due to the undocumented and illegal nature of their electricity connections, reporting incidents could lead to negative consequences. As a result, the cases are swiftly and inconspicuously neutralised. These challenges not only put lives at risk but also create a continuous cycle of inefficiency and loss, for both communities and utilities.</p></div>
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				<span class="et_pb_image_wrap "><img decoding="async" width="800" height="800" src="https://www.african-cities.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/Household-connecting-wires.jpg" alt="" title="Household connecting wires" srcset="https://www.african-cities.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/Household-connecting-wires.jpg 800w, https://www.african-cities.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/Household-connecting-wires-480x480.jpg 480w" sizes="(min-width: 0px) and (max-width: 480px) 480px, (min-width: 481px) 800px, 100vw" class="wp-image-8811" /></span>
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				<div class="et_pb_text_inner"><h2><span style="font-weight: normal;"><strong><span style="font-family: din2014;">Why do communities continue to rely on <em>Kamyufus</em>?</span> </strong></span></h2>
<p>Despite the evident dangers, residents turn to <em>Kamyufus</em> for several reasons. Foremost is affordability – the official costs of formal connections, specifically those without a subsidy element, are prohibitive for many low-income households. Even when subsidy programmes are available, they are often short-lived, limited in scope or hampered by bureaucratic hurdles. Local leaders and those involved in the rollout of subsidy initiatives frequently introduce additional indirect costs, further complicating access.</p>
<p>Efficiency is another driving factor. <em>Kamyufus</em> offer rapid solutions, often completing connections in hours or days, rather than years, which outweighs the perceived risks for those in urgent need.</p>
<h2><span style="font-family: din2014;"><strong>Information deficits</strong></span></h2>
<p>A pervasive issue exacerbating these challenges is the lack of public awareness about formal electricity access programmes. During transect walks, surveys and focus group discussions in these settlements, it became evident that information dissemination was inadequate. If there were posters or informational displays, they were rarely visible, even in areas where electricity access programmes are active.</p>
<p>According to community members, communication is primarily received via media outlets, which have limited reach, or local leaders, who may lack the education or sensitisation to effectively interpret and relay details. Many residents struggle to explain the origins, purposes or even names of ongoing initiatives, hindering word-of-mouth dissemination. This knowledge gap perpetuates reliance on informal alternatives and undermines electricity programme effectiveness.</p></div>
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				<span class="et_pb_image_wrap "><img decoding="async" width="1200" height="800" src="https://www.african-cities.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/Focus-group-discussions.jpg" alt="" title="Focus group discussions" srcset="https://www.african-cities.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/Focus-group-discussions.jpg 1200w, https://www.african-cities.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/Focus-group-discussions-980x653.jpg 980w, https://www.african-cities.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/Focus-group-discussions-480x320.jpg 480w" sizes="(min-width: 0px) and (max-width: 480px) 480px, (min-width: 481px) and (max-width: 980px) 980px, (min-width: 981px) 1200px, 100vw" class="wp-image-8810" /></span>
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				<div class="et_pb_text_inner"><h2><span style="font-weight: normal;"><strong><span style="font-family: din2014;">Electricity subsidy programmes bridging access</span> </strong></span></h2>
<p>Limited awareness about government subsidy initiatives, such as the Electricity Access Scale-Up Project (EASP) and the <a href="https://www.uedcl.co.ug/weterezeeee/">Wetereze campaign</a>, in areas of implementation hamper access. Often, information disseminated was mixed up, while there were also reports of extortion, exclusion and a limited scope of impact.</p>
<p>In Nakulabye Parish, located in the Lubaga Division of Kampala, some subsidy programmes have seen varying degrees of success. A particularly noteworthy initiative is the Pamoja programme, perceived as an awareness campaign. This programme effectively engaged community leaders in its implementation and facilitated the generation of reports that are widely believed to have inspired the development of subsequent initiatives, such as Yaka and <a href="https://www.uedcl.co.ug/meter-application-steps/">Government Egabudde (government electricity connection</a>).</p>
<p>The Pamoja and <a href="https://www.ci-dev.org/programs/uganda-rural-electrification">Ready Board programme</a> provided free meters, bulbs and electricity poles, with most recipients reporting that these items were indeed provided at no cost. Despite its success, many community members were excluded, due to the programme&#8217;s limited scope and time constraints of waiting three to four months for installation.</p>
<p>A lack of clear understanding around the operations of subsidy programmes has limited access and allowed for manipulation. For instance, the government&#8217;s Egabudde initiative, often referred to as a “President&#8217;s Programme” under Umeme, aimed to provide free connections and meters. However, the programme was plagued by allegations of corruption.</p>
<h2><span style="font-weight: normal;"><strong><span style="font-family: din2014;">Recommendations for improvement</span> </strong></span></h2>
<p>The mapping exercise revealed a network of key actors in electricity access: residents approach <em>Kamyufus</em> for immediacy, landlords for tenancy-related issues, and politicians for advocacy. Formal offices like Umeme (now UEDCL) are seen as distant and unresponsive, leading to reliance on informal networks.</p>
<p>While <em>Kamyufus</em> provide a pragmatic workaround in the face of systemic failures, their role highlights deeper frustrations with formal processes, subsidies and information gaps. Community members’ aspirations for fairer access through expanded subsidies, zone-based interventions and collaboration with landlords need to be taken into consideration. Subsequently, sustainable solutions in electricity provision must focus on streamlining applications, expanding subsidies and bridging awareness divides to foster inclusive development in Kampala&#8217;s informal settlements.</p>
<p>To address these issues, the government and relevant stakeholders should prioritise enhanced awareness campaigns. This could include widespread use of community posters, simplified information materials, and training for local leaders to better understand and communicate about programmes. Revising outreach strategies to ensure clarity and accessibility would empower residents, reduce dependence on <em>Kamyufus</em> and promote safer, more equitable electricity access.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.african-cities.org/unravelling-a-complex-web-electricity-subsidy-experiences-in-kampalas-informal-settlements/">&gt; Read more about electricity subsidy experiences in Kampala&#8217;s informal settlements</a></p></div>
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				<div class="et_pb_text_inner"><p><strong>Photo credits</strong>: ACTogether Uganda</p></div>
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				<div class="et_pb_text_inner"><p><em>Note: This article presents the views of the authors featured and does not necessarily represent the views of the African Cities Research Consortium as a whole.</em></p>
<p><em>Declaration on use of generative AI: </em><em>Grok 4 (xAI), accessed via grok.com between October–November 2025, was used to assist with structuring ideas, suggesting phrasing and light editing. All findings, fieldwork data, quotations, and conclusions are the author’s own. The final text was reviewed and approved by the author.</em></p>
<p><em>The African Cities blog is licensed under <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International</a> (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), which means you are welcome to repost this content as long as you provide full credit and a link to this original post. </em></p></div>
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			</div></p><p>The post <a href="https://www.african-cities.org/mapping-electricity-access-in-kampalas-informal-settlements-kamyufus-subsidies-and-community-perceptions/">Mapping electricity access in Kampala’s informal settlements: Kamyufus, subsidies and community perceptions</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.african-cities.org">ACRC</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Tackling Freetown’s kush epidemic through action research</title>
		<link>https://www.african-cities.org/tackling-freetowns-kush-epidemic-through-action-research/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Hannah]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Thu, 18 Dec 2025 07:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Action research]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Freetown]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[News]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Research]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[African cities]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[kush]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[research report]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[urban development]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://www.african-cities.org/?p=8781</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Kush is a type of synthetic drug that is widely used by young people in Sierra Leone, especially in the informal settlements of Freetown. It is inexpensive and readily available, making it highly accessible to unemployed and marginalised youth. Its use is associated with a range of harmful effects, including extreme sedation, organ damage and mental health complications.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.african-cities.org/tackling-freetowns-kush-epidemic-through-action-research/">Tackling Freetown’s kush epidemic through action research</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.african-cities.org">ACRC</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><em>“Kush is very easy to find here in Kolleh Town. People sell it openly, sometimes on the roadside, near junctions, and even close to our schools. You don’t even need to go far.” </em><br />– Community member, Kolleh Town, Sierra Leone</p>
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<p><strong>Kush is a type of synthetic drug that is widely used by young people in Sierra Leone, especially in the informal settlements of Freetown. It is inexpensive and readily available, making it highly accessible to unemployed and marginalised youth. Its use is associated with a range of harmful effects, including extreme sedation, organ damage and mental health complications.</strong></p>
<p>In 2024, Sierra Leone’s president Julius Maada Bio, <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-68742694">declared</a> a “war on Kush”, calling the situation a national epidemic and an “existential crisis” for the country and its young people.</p>
<p>In this context – and following the initial <a href="https://www.african-cities.org/new-research-understanding-the-political-economy-of-development-in-freetown/">ACRC city research</a> – the team in Freetown decided to focus an action research project on kush use. Led by the <a href="https://ifdsl.org/">Institute for Development</a>, researchers set out to understand how communities in Freetown are responding to the growing kush problem. Their <a href="https://ifdsl.org/acrc/">approach</a> was to learn from community voices, exploring how local groups could work together to prevent and reduce drug use.</p>
<p>Researchers found significant community-driven responses already underway. Peer support, open family dialogues and school-based awareness campaigns emerged as particularly effective. Youth engagement in meaningful activities, such as vocational training and employment opportunities, was consistently highlighted as critical for preventing drug use.</p>
<p>The study focused on two communities, Kolleh Town and Olosoroh, which highlighted different ways of dealing with the crisis. Kolleh Town faced substantial challenges due to entrenched supply networks, limited enforcement and passive attitudes among authorities. In contrast, Olosoroh demonstrated stronger leadership commitment and proactive collaboration between teachers, youth leaders, police and NGOs, aiming to address the issue through education, awareness and behavioural interventions.</p>
<p>Key findings from the action research included:</p>
<p style="padding-left: 40px;"><strong>1. The kush crisis in Freetown is driven by socioeconomic vulnerability.</strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 40px;">Users of the drug are often male, aged between 15 and 30 and are unemployed or not in education. For these marginalised youth, kush becomes a readily available coping mechanism to alleviate poverty, boredom and stress.</p>
<p style="padding-left: 40px;"><strong>2. Community responses require consistency and peer engagement.</strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 40px;">Effective community-led responses include peer support among young people, open family dialogues and school-based awareness campaigns. However, these efforts are often undermined by a lack of continuity and consistency.</p>
<p style="padding-left: 40px;"><strong>3. Supply chain disruption is hampered by corruption.</strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 40px;">Law enforcement efforts are weakened by police complicity and corruption, with reports of arrested dealers released after paying bribes. The police should focus on high-level suppliers and traffickers rather than low-level users.</p>
<p style="padding-left: 40px;"><strong>4. A holistic response must provide economic alternatives and accessible health support.</strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 40px;">Investing in vocational training, job creation and recreational activities for at-risk youth are all essential. Current health facilities and rehabilitation centres are severely limited, unaffordable and overwhelmed.</p>
<p style="padding-left: 40px;"><strong>5. Sustainable solutions depend on coordinated reform coalitions.</strong></p>
<p style="padding-left: 40px;">The complexity of the kush crisis requires inclusive reform coalitions that bring together youth representatives, traditional leaders, religious figures, police and NGOs, to build trust and coordinate efforts. Coalitions that build on existing community networks have the greatest chance of success.</p>
<p>Throughout the project, IfD researchers worked closely with community members. Communities had tried different strategies and reported that they were running out of ideas on how to deal with the kush problem. As such, they were very engaged with IfD’s approach, particularly as it provided a bridge between community members and national policymakers.</p>
<p>The findings of the research were presented to officials from the governmental departments, such as the mental health department at the Ministry of Health, Ministry of Social Welfare, National Task Force on Drugs and Substance Abuse, National Drug and Law Enforcement Agency, media houses and other partners.</p>
<p>Subsequent meetings with these agencies were pivotal in building consensus around the ACRC’s research-driven model, especially on the importance of a reform coalition of actors passionate about creating a community-led solution with strong institutional support to address the challenges posed by kush.</p>
<p>Researchers at IfD are continuing to support community responses and are actively pushing for a holistic policy response from government ministries.</p>
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				<a class="et_pb_button et_pb_button_2 et_pb_bg_layout_light" href="https://www.african-cities.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/12/ACRC_Freetown-kush-AR-project_Research-report_December-2025.pdf" target="_blank" data-icon="&#x35;">Read the full report</a>
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				<div class="et_pb_text_inner"><p><em>Note: This article presents the views of the authors featured and does not necessarily represent the views of the African Cities Research Consortium as a whole.</em></p>
<p><em>The African Cities blog is licensed under <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International</a> (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), which means you are welcome to repost this content as long as you provide full credit and a link to this original post. </em></p></div>
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			</div></p><p>The post <a href="https://www.african-cities.org/tackling-freetowns-kush-epidemic-through-action-research/">Tackling Freetown’s kush epidemic through action research</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.african-cities.org">ACRC</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Building partnerships in development: What needs to change?</title>
		<link>https://www.african-cities.org/building-partnerships-in-development-what-needs-to-change/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Hannah]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 26 Nov 2025 07:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://www.african-cities.org/?p=8638</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>The International Development Committee recently launched an inquiry into the future of the UK’s international aid and development assistance programmes. We believe the design and experiences of ACRC offers important insights and our CEO Diana Mitlin submitted written evidence to the inquiry.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.african-cities.org/building-partnerships-in-development-what-needs-to-change/">Building partnerships in development: What needs to change?</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.african-cities.org">ACRC</a>.</p>]]></description>
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				<div class="et_pb_text_inner"><p class="WPSBody"><strong>The International Development Committee, a parliamentary oversight body, recently launched an inquiry into <a href="https://committees.parliament.uk/work/9348/future-of-uk-aid-and-development-assistance/publications/">t</a><a href="https://committees.parliament.uk/work/9348/future-of-uk-aid-and-development-assistance/publications/">he future of the UK’s international aid and development assistance programmes</a>.</strong><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="WPSBody">It is looking at “how the UK can continue to deliver high impact international aid and development assistance in the face of a 40% budget cut as the Government seeks to fund increased defence spending in the name of national security”.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="WPSBody">A key question the inquiry seeks to answer is:</p>
<blockquote>
<p class="WPSBody"><o:p></o:p>“What needs to change to realise the goal of moving from paternalistic models and relationships to partnerships?” <o:p></o:p></p>
</blockquote>
<p class="WPSBody">We believe the design and experiences of the African Cities Research Consortium offers important insights and our CEO, Professor Diana Mitlin, <a href="https://committees.parliament.uk/writtenevidence/150691/pdf/">submitted written evidence to the inquiry</a>.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="WPSBody">Cautioning against the inefficiencies of “business as usual” development practices and research, Diana draws on her experiences of running ACRC to propose five key recommendations to help maximise the effectiveness of future UK development policy and programming:<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="WPSBody" style="padding-left: 40px;"><b>1. A focus on issue-based programming that tackles locally identified problems:</b> For ACRC, focusing on interventions that are prioritised according to local contexts and underpinned by detailed situational analysis has provided an effective basis for action.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="WPSBody" style="padding-left: 40px;"><b>2. Ensuring local leadership of interventions:</b> Projects fail when local knowledge is not sufficiently incorporated. So while improving representation of marginalised communities is important in itself, it also helps ensure development assistance reaches those most in need.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="WPSBody" style="padding-left: 40px;"><b>3. Cultivating an adaptive, politically informed approach to programming:</b> Cities are embedded in contested political processes. Political settlements analysis was central to ACRC’s initial research, and the ongoing contribution of political analysts has enabled city teams to adapt to changing urban contexts.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="WPSBody" style="padding-left: 40px;"><b>4. Nurturing reform coalitions: </b>Work that focuses on both catalysing and nurturing reform coalitions has significant potential to boost FCDO’s impact. These coalitions are aggregations of relevant agencies, who come together to address areas of interest and advance common objectives around urban reform.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="WPSBody" style="padding-left: 40px;"><b>5. Funding pilots to catalyse systems change, not wholesale delivery:</b> ACRC has combined a deep understanding and engagement of city politics, with a flexible approach to programming. The goal is to catalyse the adoption of large-scale, self-funded African initiatives, rather than donor-funded projects.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="WPSBody">So, with those five recommendations in mind, where does that leave UK expertise?<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="WPSBody">Complex reforms are inherently political, requiring local knowledge, credibility and legitimacy. But, as Diana highlights in her submission, sensitive and strategic support from UK-based organisations can help to nurture alternatives, legitimise ideas and advance more effective development options – and ultimately play a role in realising locally held, global ambitions for a better world.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p style="padding-left: 40px;"><span></span></p>
<blockquote></blockquote></div>
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				<a class="et_pb_button et_pb_button_3 et_pb_bg_layout_light" href="https://committees.parliament.uk/writtenevidence/150691/pdf/" target="_blank" data-icon="&#x35;">Read the full submission</a>
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				<div class="et_pb_text_inner"><p><strong>Header photo credit</strong>: Chris Jordan</p></div>
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			</div><p>The post <a href="https://www.african-cities.org/building-partnerships-in-development-what-needs-to-change/">Building partnerships in development: What needs to change?</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.african-cities.org">ACRC</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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